Skip to main content

Full text of "Livy"

See other formats










BOOKS and 

Translated bv 
B. ( >STF : R 




1 1 









Complete list of Loeb titles can be 
found at the end of each volume 

LIVY (Titus Livius) the great Roman 
historian was born at or near Patavium 
(Padua) in 59 B.C. and from early manhood 
onwards lived mostly at Rome until 
shortly before his death in A.D. 17, and 
although never in sympathy with the 
establishment of the imperial age by 
Augustus became a friend of that emperor. 
His only extant work is part of his history 
of Rome (which he called Annales) from 
the foundation of the city to 9 B.C. in 
142 books. Of them we have in number 
35 only, and short summaries of all the 
rest except two. The whole work was, 
long after his death, divided into Decades 
or series of 10. Books i-io we have 
entire ; books 11-20 are lost ; books 2 i -45 
are entire, except parts of 41 and 43. Of 
the rest only fragments and the summaries 
remain. In splendid style Livy, a man of 
wide sympathies and proud of Rome's 
past, presented an uncritical but clear 
and living narrative of the rise of Rome to 

r J6G i 367 

I ' 





3333 08&8 7288 






fT. E. PAGE, C.H., LITT.D. fE. CAPPS, PH.D., LL.D. 

fW. H. D. ROUSE, LITT.D. L. A. POST, L.H.D. 















First printed 1919 
Reprinted 1925, 1939, 1952, 1957, 1961, 1967 


A. L. F. 

Printed in Great Britain 







BOOK II 217 


INDEX 441 





THE Latin text of this volume has been set up 
from that of the ninth edition (1908) of Book I., 
and the eighth edition (1894) of Book II., by Weis- 
seiiborn and M tiller, except that the Periockae have 
been reprinted from the text of Rossbach (1910). 
But the spelling is that adopted by Professors 
Conway and Walters in their critical edition of 
Books I.-V. (Oxford, 1914), which is the source also 
of a number of readings which differ from those given 
in the Wcissenborn-Mtiller text, and has furnished, 
besides, the materials from which the textual notes 
have been drawn up. I have aimed to indicate 
every instance where the reading printed does not 
rest on the authority of one or more of the good 
MSS., and to give the author of the emendation. 
The MSS. are often cited by the symbols given in 
the Oxford edition, but for brevity's sake I have 
usually employed two of my own, viz. fi and r. 
The former means " such of the good MSS. as are 
not cited for other readings," the latter "one or 
more of the inferior MSS. and early printed edi- 
tions." Anyone who wishes more specific informa- 
tion regarding the source of a variant will consult 



the elaborate apparatus of the Oxford text, whose 
editors have placed all students of the first decade 
under lasting obligations by their thorough and 
minute report of the MSS. With the publication 
of their second volume there will be available for 
the first time an adequate diplomatic basis for the 
criticism of Books I.-X. 

I have utilized throughout the translations by 
Philemon Holland, George Baker, and Canon 
Roberts, and have occasionally borrowed a happy 
expression from the commentaries of Edwards, 
Conway, and others, mentioned in the introduction. 
The unpretentious notes in the college edition of 
my former teacher, the late Professor Greenough, 
have been particularly useful in pointing out the 
significance of the word-order. 

Acknowledgments are also due to my colleagues, 
Professors Fairclough, Hempl, Cooper, and Briggs, 
and to Professor Noyes of the University of Cali- 
fornia, each of whom has given me some good 

B. O. F. 




FROM entries in Jerome's re-working of the 
Chronicle of Eusebius we learn that Titus Livius the 
Patavian was born in 59 B.C., the year of Caesar's 
first consulship, and cjied in his native town (the 
modern Padua) in 17 A.D. Of his parents nothing is 
known. They were presumably well-to-do, for their 
son received the training in Greek and Latin 
literature and in rhetoric which constituted the 
standard curriculum of that time, and was afterwards 
able to devote along life to the unremunerative work 
of writing. That he was by birth an aristocrat is no 
more than an inference from his outstanding sym- 
pathy with the senatorial party. Livy's childhood 
witnessed the conquest of Gaul and Caesar's rapid 
rise to lordship over the Roman world. These early 
years he doubtless passed in his northern home. 
Patavium laid claim to great antiquity. Livy tells 
us himself in his opening chapter the legend of its 
founding by the Trojan Antenor, and elsewhere 
describes with unmistakable satisfaction the vain 
attempt of the Spartan Cleonymus (in 302 B.C.) to 



subdue the Patavians. 1 They defended themselves 
with equal vigour and success against the aggressions 
of the Etruscans and the inroads of the Gauls, and 
in the war with Hannibal cast in their lot with 
Rome. In 49 B.C., when Livy was ten years old, the 
town became a Roman municipality and its citizens 
were enrolled in the Fabian tribe. The place was a 
great centre of trade, especially in wool, 2 and under 
Augustus was perhaps the wealthiest city in Italy, 
next to Rome, 3 to which in some respects it 
presented a striking contrast, since the Patavians 
maintained the simple manners and strict morality 
which had long gone out of fashion in the cosmo- 
politan capital. 4 We cannot say how old Livy was 
when he left Patavium, but it is probable that his 
tastes and character had been permanently influenced 
by the old-world traditions of his native town. Did he 
go to Rome with the intention of pursuing there the 
career of a rhetorician and subsequently become 
interested in historical studies ? It may have been 

1 Liv. x. ii. There were many living in his own day, Livy 
says, who had seen the beaks of the ships captured from 
Clcoriymus, which were preserved as trophies in the temple 
of Juno. 

2 Martial, xiv. cxliii., speaks of the thickness of Patavian 

8 Strabo, in. clxix. and v. ccxiii.; cf. Nissen, Italische 
Landeskunde, 2, p. 220. 

4 Plin. Epist. I. xiv. 6, says of a young protege: "His 
maternal grandmother is Sarrana Procula, from the muni- 
cipality of Patavium. You know the manners of the 
place ; yet Serrana is a pattern of strictness even to the 


so. Perhaps he had already resolved to write 
history and wished to make use of the libraries and 
other sources of information which were lacking in a 
provincial town. Certain passages in his earlier 
books l indicate that he was already familiar with 
the City when he began his great work, about 27 B.c., 2 
and a reference to a .conversation with Augustus in 
Book IV. seems to arg.u'e that it was not long till he 
was on a friendly footing with the Emperor. 3 He 
doubtless continued to reside in Rome, with oc- 
casional visits to Pat'aVium and other places in Italy, 
till near the end of his long life. 

Livy seems never. .to have held any public office, 
but to have given himself up entirely to literature. 
Seneca says that he wrote dialogues which one 
might classify under history as well as under philo- 
sophy, besides books which were professedly philo- 
sophical. 4 And Quintilian quotes a letter from Livy 
to his son which was very likely an essay on the 
training of the orator, for in the passage cited he 
advises the young man to read Demosthenes and 
Cicero, and then such as most nearly resembled 

1 e.g. I. iv. 5 ; I. viii. 5 ; I. xxvi. 13. 

2 It could not well have been earlier than 27, for in i. xix. 
3 and iv. xx. 7 Octavian is mentioned with the title of 
Augustus, which the senate only conferred on him in January 
of that year. Nor may we put the date much later, for in 
mentioning the occasions on which the temple of Janus had 
been closed (l. xix. 3) Livy has nothing to say of the second 
of the two closings which took place in his own life-time, 
namely that of 25 B.C. 

3 Liv. iv. xx. 7. 4 Sen. Epiat. 100. 9. 



them. 1 So, in another place, Quintilian tells us 
that he finds in Livy that there was a certain 
teacher who bade his pupils obscure what they said. 2 
It may have been in this same essay that he made 
the criticism on Sallust which seemed to the elder 
Seneca to be unjust, that he had not only appro- 
priated a sentence from Thucydides but had spoilt 
it in the process. 3 And there is another passage in 
Seneca where Livy is credited witli having quoted 
approvingly a mot of the rhetorician Miltiades against 
orators who affected archaic and sordid words, which 
may also be an echo of the letter. 4 If Livy was 
about thirty-two years old when he began to write 
history it is probable that this essay was composed 
some years later, for it is unlikely to have been 
written before the son was about sixteen. 5 We may 
therefore think of the historian as putting aside his 
magnum opus for a season, to be of use in the 
education of the boy, who, whether or no he 
profited by his father's instructions in rhetoric, at all 
events became a writer, and is twice named by the 
elder Pliny as one of his authorities, in Books V. and 
VI. of the Natural History, which deal with geography. 
In a sepulchral inscription found in Padua, which 
may be that of our Livy, two sons are named Titus 
Livius Priscus and Titus Livius Longus, and their 

1 Quint, x. i. 39 (cf. n. v. 20). 

2 Quint, vin. ii. 18. 3 Sen. Controv. ix. i. 14. 
4 Ibid. ix. ii. 26. 

6 Schunz, Geschichtc der romischen Litteratur, ii 3 . 1, p. 419. 



mother's name is given as Cassia. 1 The only other 
item of information we possess about the family is 
supplied by the elder Seneca, who mentions a son-in- 
law, named Lucius Magi us, as a declaimer who had 
some following for a time, though men rather 
endured him for the sake of his father-in-law than 
praised him for his own. 2 

Of Livy's social life in Rome we know nothing more 
than that he enjoyed the friendship of Augustus, and 
probably, as we have seen, from an early date in his 
stay in Rome. 3 The intimacy was apparently main- 
tained till the end of the Emperor's life, for it cannot 
have been much before A.D. 14 that Livy, as related 
by Suetonius, 4 advised his patron's grand-nephew 
Claudius (born 9 B.C.) to take up the writing of history. 
The good relations subsisting between the Emperor 
and the historian do honour to the sense and candour of 
both. Livy gloried in the history of the republic, 
yet he could but acquiesce in the new order of things. 
And the moral and religious reforms of Augustus, 
his wish to revive the traditions of an elder day, his 
respect for the forms inherited from a time when 
Rome was really governed by a senate, must have 
commanded Livy's hearty approval. On the other 

1 C.I.L. v. 2975 ( = Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Sdtctae, 
2919) : T Livius C. f. sibi et /suis/T. Livio T. f. Frisco f., / 
T. Livio T. f. Longo f. ,/Cassiae Sex. f. Primae / uxori. 

2 Sen. Controv. x. praef. 2. 

3 It is just possible that the conversation with Augustus 
mentioned in iv. xx. 7 took place at some time after the 
original publication of that book, and that the reference was 
inserted later. 4 Suet. Claud, xli. 



side, when Livy's great history was appealing to men's 
patriotism and displaying the ideal Rome as no other 
literary work (with the possible exception of the 
contemporaneous Aeneid) had ever done, it was easy 
for the Emperor to smile at the scholar's exaggerated 
admiration of Pompey, 1 and even to overlook the 
frankness of his query whether more of good or of 
harm had come to the state from the birth of Julius 
Caesar. 2 Livy died three years after Augustus, in 
17 A.D., at the ripe age of 76. If he continued work- 
ing at his history up to the last he had devoted more 
than 40 years to the gigantic enterprise. Jerome says 
that he died in Patavium. We can only conjecture 
whether he was overtaken by death while making a 
visit to his old home, or had retired thither, with the 
coming in of the new regime, to spend his declining 
years. The latter is perhaps the more likely assump- 
tion. The character of Tiberius can have possessed 
little claim to the sympathy of Livy, and life in Rome 
may well have lost its charm for him, now that his 
old patron was no more. 

1 Tacitus, Ann. iv. xxxiv., describing the trial of Cremu- 
tius Cordus for lese-majeste on the ground that he had 
published annals in which he praised Brutus and styled 
Cassius the " last of the Romans," makes Cremutius say in 
his defence : " Titus Livius, pre-eminent for eloquence and 
candour, so lauded Pompey that Augustus called him a 
Pompeian ; yet it made no difference in their friendship." 

* Sen. Nat. Quaest. v. xviii. 4. 




Livy seems to have called his history simply Ah 
Urbe Condita, " From the Founding of the City/' l 
just as Tacitus was later to call his Annals Ah 
Excessu Divi Augusti, "From the death of the Divine 

o * 

Augustus." He began with the legend of Aeneas, 
and brought his narrative down to the death of Drusus 
(and the defeat of Quintilius Varus ? 2 ) in 9 B.C. 
There is no reason to think that Livy intended, as 
some have supposed, to go on to the death of 
Augustus. In the preface to one of the lost books 
he remarked that he had already earned enough of 
reputation and might have ceased to write, \vere 
it not that his restless spirit w r as sustained by 
work. 3 He probably toiled on till his strength 
failed him, with no fixed goal in view, giving his 
history to the public in parts, as these were severally 
completed. The following table, taken from Schanz, 4 
is an attempt to reconstruct these instalments : 

Books I.-V. From the founding of the City to its 
conquest by the Gauls (387-386 B.C.). 

1 Livy once refers to his work as "my annals" (in meos 
annales, XLIII. xiii. 2), and Pliny, N.H praef. 16, speaks 
of a certain volume of Livy's "histories," but these are 
merely generic names. 

2 The Periocha of Book CXLII. ends with these events, but 
the mention of Varus, which is found in only one MS., is 
generally regarded as a late addition. Its genuineness is, 
however, upheld by Rossbach, in his edition, ad loc. 

3 Plin. i.e. 

4 Gf.schichte der romischcn Littcratur, ii 3 . 1, p. 421. 



VI.-XV. To the subjugation of Italy (265 B.C.). 

XVI.-XX. The Punic wars to the beginning of 
the war with Hannibal (219 B.C.). 

XXI.-XXX. The war with Hannibal (to 201 B.C.). 

XXXI.-XL. To the death of King Philip of 
Macedon (179 B.C.). 

XLI.-LXX. To the outbreak of the Social War 

(91 B.C.). 

LXXI.-LXXX. The Social War to the death of 
Marius (86 B.C.). 

LXXXI.-XC. To the death of Sulla (78 B.C.). 

XCI.-CVIII. From the war with Sertorius to the 
Gallic War (58 B.C.). 

CIX.-CXVI. From the beginning of the Civil 
Wars to the death of Caesar (44 B.C.). 

CXVII.-CXXXIII. To the death of Antony and 
Cleopatra (30 B.C.). 

CXXXIV-CXLII. The principate of Augustus 
to the death of Drusus (9 B.C.). 

It will be noticed that certain portions fall natur- 
ally into decades (notably XXI.-XXX.), or pentads 
(e.g. I.-V.). Elsewhere, and particularly in that part 
of the work which deals with the writer's own times, 
no such symmetry is discernible. Later however it 
became the uniform practice of the copyists to 
divide the history into decades. This is clearly seen 
in the wholly distinct and independent MS. tradition 
of the several surviving sections. 

Only about a quarter of the whole work has been 



preserved. We have the Preface and Books I. X., 
covering the period from Aeneas to the year 293 D.C.; 
Books XXI. -XXX. describing the Second Punic 
War; and Books XXXI. -XLV., which continue the 
story of Rome's conquests down to the year 167 B.C. 
and the victories of Lucius Aemilius Paulus. 1 

For the loss of the other books the existence from 
the first century of our era of a handy abridgment 
is no doubt largely responsible. It is to this Martial 
alludes in the following distich (xiv. cxc.): 

Pellibus exiguis artatur Livius ingens, 
Quern mea non totum bibliotheca capit. 2 

If we had this Epitome 3 it would be some slight 
compensation for the disappearance of the original 
books, but we have only a compend of it, the 
so-called Periochae, and certain excerpts thought to 
have been made from another summary of it, no 
longer extant, which scholars refer to as the 
Chronicon, to wit, the fragments of the Oxyrhynchus 
Papyrus, the Prodigiorum Liber of Obsequens, and 
the consular lists of Cassiodorius. 

The Periochae, or summaries of the several Books 
(only CXXXVI. and CXXXVII. are wanting), are the 

Books XLI.-XLV. contain many lacunae. 
1 Thus translated by Professor Duff: 

In vellum small huge Livy now is dressed ; 
My bookshelves could not hold him uncompressed. 
3 See Schanz, op. cit. ii 3 . 1, pp. 425-428. H. A. Sanders, 
"The Lost Epitome of Livy" (in Roman Historical Sources 
and Institutions, p. 257), makes the interesting suggestion that 
it may have been written by Livy's son. 



most valuable of these sources for supplying the gaps 
in our text of Livy. Their author narrates briefly 
what seem to him the leading events in each book, 
adding a reference to other matters treated in the 
original. 1 The Periochae are thus a kind of com- 
promise between a book of excerpts for the use of 
readers who for any reason could not or would not go 
to the unabridged Livy, and a table of contents 
for the convenience of those who did. 2 They are 


usually printed with editions of Livy, and are 
included in this one. It may be noted here that 
Per. I. exists in a double recension, of which B 
appears from its style to be of a piece with those 
of all the other books, while A is thought to have 
come from the Chronicon. 

In 1903 a papyrus was discovered at Oxyrhynchus 
which contained fragments of a compend of Roman 
history which was based on Livy, though it seems 
not to have been taken from Livy directly but from 
the Chronicon, which was also, as we have said, 
the source of Obsequens and Cassiodorius. The 
MS. is assigned to the third century, and the book 
must therefore have been composed in that or a still 
earlier period. It contains eight columns of uncial 
writing. Of these 1-3 preserve a selection of the 
events recorded in Livy, Books XXXVII.-XL., 
(which we have), while 4-8 deal with the subject- 

1 See e.g. the last sentence of Per. II., p. 438. 

2 Sehanz, p. 425. 



matter of Books XLVIII.-LV. But there is a 
column gone between column 6 and column 7, which 
treated of the years 143 and 142 B.C. 

Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorius Senator lived about 
480 to 575, and was Consul in 514, under Theocloric. 
Among his writings was a chronicle, from Adam to 
A.D. 519. For the earlier periods he used Eusebius 
and Jerome, but from the expulsion of Tarquinius 
to A.D. 31 he names as his authorities Titus Livius 
and Aufidius Bassus. His list of consuls for this 
period shows kinship with the Oxyrhynchus Papyrus 
and Obsequens. 

In his Prodigiorum Liber Julius Obsequens 
enumerates in chronological order the portents 
which occurred from the year 190 to the year 
12 B.C. In its original form the catalogue probably 
began, as the title in the MS. indicates, 1 with the 
year 249. The little book is of unknown date : 
Schariz thinks it is a product of the fourth century 
of our era, when paganism made its last struggle 
against Christianity. 2 Rossbach inclines to a some- 
what earlier date. 3 In any case Rossbach has shown 
that the author was a believer in prodigies, and 
therefore a pagan. 

1 lulii Obsequentis Ab Anno Urbis Conditae DV Pro- 
digiorum Liber. 

3 Schanz, Rom. Lit. is- 2 . 1, p. 85. 
8 See his edition, p. xxxiii. 




In his preface to the whole work Livy gives a satis- 
factory account of his conception of history and the 
ends he himself had in view. He begins with an 
apology for adding to the already large number of 
Roman histories. Those who attempt this theme 
hope, he says, to surpass their predecessors either in 
accuracy or style, and it is doing Livy no injustice to 
infer that in his own case it was the belief that he 
could make the story of Rome more vivid and read- 
able than anyone had yet done which gave him the 
courage to undertake the task. But whether he suc- 
ceeds or not, he will be glad, he tells us, to have done 
what he could for the memory of the foremost people 
of the world. He recognizes the immense labour 
which confronts him, in consequence of the more 
than seven hundred years which he must deal with, 
and admits that it will be labour thrown away on 
most of his readers, who will have little patience with 
the earlier history in their eagerness to be reading of 
the civil wars and the events of their own generation. 
" I myself, on the contrary," he continues and the 
sentiment reveals at once the man's romantic spirit 
" shall seek in this an additional reward for my toil, 
that I may turn my back upon the evils which our 
age has witnessed for so many years, so long at least as 
I am absorbed in the recollection of the brave days 


of old." 1 He refers to the marvellous tales which 
were associated with the founding of the City as to 
matters of no great consequence. He declines to 
vouch for their authenticity, though he means to set 
them down as he finds them ; and lie apparently re- 
gards them as possessing a certain symbolic truth, at 
least. But the really important thing in Rome's 
history is the way her power was founded on morality 
and discipline, waxed mighty with the maintenance of 
these, and was now fallen upon evil days through 
their decay. For the use of historical study lies in 
its application to life. The story of a great people 
is fraught with examples and warnings, both for the 
individual and for the state. And no nation is better 
worth studying than Rome, for in none did righteous- 
ness and primitive simplicity so long resist the en- 
croachments of wealth and luxury. 

It was the ethical aspect of history then that chiefly 
appealed to Livy, and he chose Rome for his subject 
because the rise of the Roman empire seemed to him 
the best example of the fruition of those qualities 
which he wished to inculcate. To do this he must 
first of all win the interest of his readers, and if 
morality is his goal style is certainly the road by 
which he hopes to lead men towards it. We must 
therefore fix our attention on these two things if we 
would approach Livy's work in the spirit of his 

1 In another passage (XLIII. xiii. 2) Livy tells us that when 
he is writing of old-world things his spirit somehow becomes 



ancient readers, and understand their almost unquali- 
fied approval of it. 

For Livy's success was both immediate and lasting. 
I have already referred to the frank way in which he 
himself recognized his fame, in the preface to one of 
the books of his History, and the younger Pliny tells 
a delightful story of an enthusiastic Spanish admirer 
who travelled from Cadiz to Rome solely to behold 
the great writer, and having gratified his curiosity 
returned forthwith to his home. 1 Livy's magnanimity 
was warmly praised by the elder Seneca, who said 
that he was by nature a most candid judge of all 
great talents, 2 and it is a striking testimony to the 
justice of this observation that the modern reader's 
admiration for Hannibal is largely a reflection of 
Livy's, which all his prejudice against Rome's most 
formidable enemy could not altogether stifle. Tacitus 
too admired Livy, whom he considered the most elo- 
quent of the older historians, as Fabius Rusticus was 
of the more recent. 3 Quintilian compared him with 
Herodotus, and spoke of the wonderful fascination 
of his narrative, his great fairness, and the inex- 
pressible eloquence of the speeches, in which every- 
thing was suited not only to the circumstances but to 
the speaker. 4 Quintilian also praised his represent- 

1 Plin. Ep. n. iii. 8. 2 Sen. Suas. vi. 22. 

3 Agric. x. and the passage already quoted from the 
Annals (iv. xxxiv.). 

4 Quint. Inst. Or, x. i. 101. There are some 400 of these 
inserted speeches in the extant text, some consisting of only 



ation of the emotions, particularly the gentler ones, 
in which field he said he had no superior. Livy 
shared with Virgil the honour of being the most 
widely read of Latin writers, and in consequence 
incurred the resentment of the mad Caligula, who 
lacked but little of casting out their works and their 
portraits from all the libraries, alleging of Livy that 
he was verbose and careless. 1 Even Quintilian could 
tax him with prolixity, 2 though he seems to have 
owned that it was but the defect of a quality, for he 
elsewhere speaks of his "milky richness." 3 The only 
other jarring note in the general chorus of admiration 
is sounded by the critic Asinius Pollio, who reproached 
Livy's style with " Pataviriity," by which he perhaps 
meant that it was tainted with an occasional word or 
idiom peculiar to the historian's native dialect. 4 Owing 
chiefly to its intrinsic excellence, but partly no doubt 
to the accidental circumstance that it covered the 
whole field of Roman History, Livy's work became 
the standard source-book from which later writers 
were to draw their materials. We have already seen 
how it was epitomized and excerpted. Other writers 
who took their historical data from Livy were Lucan 

a few lines, while others run to a length of several pages. 
Under Domitian a certain Mettius Pompusius made a col- 
lection of speeches by kings and generals which he took from 
Liv} 7 ( Suet. Dom. x. 3). 

1 Suet. Calig. xxxiv. (cf. Schanz, p. 439.) 

2 Quint. Inst. Or. vm. iii. 53. 3 Ibid. x. i. 32. 

4 Ibid. vui. i. 3. Pollio was also severe upon Caesar, 
Cicero, Catullus and Sallust ! 



and Silius Italicus, Asconius, Valerius Maximus, 
Frontinus, Floras, and the Greeks Cassius Dio and 
Plutarch. Avienus, in the fourth century, turned 
Livy into iambic senarii, a tour deforce which has not 
come down to us. 1 In the fifth he is cited by Pope 
Gelasius, 2 and the grammarian Priscian used him in 
the sixth. Comparatively little read in the Middle 
Ages, Livy found a warm admirer in Dante, who used 
him in the second book of his De Monarchia, and in 
the Divina Commedia refers to him naively as " Livio 
. . . che non erra." 3 The Italians of the Renaissance 
seized upon Livy's History with avidity. The poet 
Beccadelli sold a country-place to enable him to pur- 
chase a copy by the hand of Poggio. Petrarch was 
among those who hoped for the recovery of the lost 
decades, and Pope Nicholas V. exerted himself with- 
out avail to discover them. With the emendations 
in Books XXI.-XXVI. by Laurentius Valla 4 the 
critical study of the text was inaugurated. The year 
1469 saw the first printed edition of the History, 
which was produced in Rome. Early in the sixteenth 
century Machiavelli wrote his famous Discorsi sul 
Primo Libra delle Deche di Tito Livio. It is not too 
much to say that from the Revival of Learning to the 
present time Livy has been generally recognized as 
one of the world's great writers. The English 
scholar Munro pronounced him owner of what is 

1 Servius on Virg. Aen. x. 388, Schanz, iv 2 . i. p. 20. 

2 Hertz, Frag. 12 (in his edition of Livy). 

3 Inferno, xxviii. 12. 4 Born in Rome, 1407. 



"perhaps the greatest prose style that has ever been 
written in any age or language," l and his history 
seemed to Niebuhr a "a. colossal masterpiece." 2 

The qualities which gave Livy his lofty place in 
literature are easily discovered. He was a high- 
minded patriot, inspired with a genuine desire to 
promote the welfare of his country. An idealist of 
the most pronounced type, he was endowed as not 
all idealists are with a breadth of sympathy which 
enabled him to judge men with charity, and to discern 
in the most diverse characters whatever admirable 
traits they might possess. In him a passionate love 
of noble deeds and a rare insight into the workings 
of the mind and heart were united with a strength of 
imagination which enabled him to clothe the shadowy 
names of Rome's old worthies with the flesh and blood 
of living men. Finally, his mastery of all the resources 
of language is only equalled by his never-failing tact 
and sense of fitness in the use of them. 3 It is difficult 
to describe in a few words so complex an instrument 

1 Criticisms and Elucidations of Catullus, London, 1905 8 , 
p. 232. 

8 See the Introduction to his Roman History. I have 
taken most of the material for this paragraph from Schanz, 
pp. 438-441. 

3 Wachsmuth, Einhitung in das Studium der alien 
Geschichte, p. 591. Wachsmuth says : " No one even now can 
escape the magic of his enthralling narrative, and to his 
countrymen, whether contemporary or of a later generation, 
his style must have been absolutely fascinating. We are not 
surprised that Latin-speaking mankind in the time of the 
Empire saw the ancient history of Rome almost exclusively 
through the eyes of Livy." 



as Livy's style. Perhaps it might fairly be said that 
it is distinguished by the attributes of warmth and 
amplitude. The Livian period, less formal and 
regular than that of Cicero, whom Livy so greatly ad- 
mired, 1 is fully as intricate, and reveals an amazing 
sensitiveness to the rhetorical possibilities inherent 
in word-order. 2 To the first decade, and especially 
Book I., Livy has, consciously no doubt, given a 
slightly archaic and poetical colour, in keeping with 
the subject-matter 3 ; and his extraordinary faculty 
for visualizing and dramatizing the men and events 
of Roman story reminds us even more insistently 
of Quintilian's dictum that history is a kind of 
prose poetry. 4 

Yet despite his many remarkable gifts it is only too 
clear that Livy was deficient in some of the most 
essential qualifications for producing such a history of 
Rome as would satisfy the standards of our own day. 
Neither well informed nor specially interested in 
politics or the art of war, and lacking even such 
practical knowledge of constitutional matters as scores 
of his contemporaries must have gained from partici- 
pating in the actual business of the state, he under- 
took to trace the development of the greatest military 

1 Quint. In*t. Or. x. i. 39 ; Sen. Suns. vi. 17 and 22. 

2 H. D. Naylor, Latin and English Idiom, p. 6, says : 
"If I were asked 'What is the great feature of Livy'e 
style ? ' I would boldly answer : ' His brilliant use of 
oi'der." s Norden, Antike Knnstprosa i., p. 235. 

4 Quint. In*t. Or. x. i. 31. Historia est . . . proxima 

poetis et quodam modo carmen solutum. 



power (save one) that the world has ever seen, and 
the growth of an empire which has taught the 
principles of organization and government to all 
succeeding ages. Nor was this lack of technical know- 
ledge the only or indeed the heaviest handicap that 
Livy was compelled to carry. His mind was funda- 
mentally uncritical, and he was unable to subject his 
authorities to such a judicial examination as might 
have made it possible for him to choose the safer guides 
and reject the less trustworthy. Towards original 
documents he manifests an almost incredible indiffer- 
ence. 1 As regards the earlier period, he himself 
remarks that the Gauls in burning Rome had swept 
away the " pontifical commentaries " and pretty much 
all the other public and private records, 2 but there is 
nothing to indicate that he made much use of even 
such shreds of evidence as survived the fire, or that 
he referred, in writing of a later period, to so 
important a source as the Annales Maximi, though 
they had been published in 123 B.C., in eighty books, 
by P. Mucius Scaevola. He excuses himself from 
transcribing the expiatory hymn composed by Livius 
Andronicus, and publicly sung, in the year 207 B.C., 
by a chorus of girls, as a thing too uncouth for 
modern taste. 3 He seems never to have bothered 

1 Taine says : " On ne trouve pas [chez Titc Live] 1'amour 
infatigable de la science complete et de la verite absolue. 11 
n'en a que le gout ; il n'en a pas la passion " (Essai sur Tite 
Live, p. 64). 

2 Liv. vi. i. 2. 

8 Liv. xxvu. xxxvii. 13. 



to examine the terrain of so important a battle as 
Cannae, and his account of the operations there 
shows that he had no very clear notion of the topo- 
graphy of the field. It would be easy to multiply 
instances. There is an example at n. xli. 10, where 
he refers to an inscription, but without having him- 
self consulted it, as his contemporary, Dionysius of 
Halicarnassus, did. 1 

Livy's history supplanted the works of the annalists, 
which have consequently perished, so that it is im- 
possible to ascertain with exactness his relation to 
his sources. His own references to them are rather 
casual. He makes no attempt to indicate his author- 
ities systematically, but cites them in certain cases 
where they conflict with one another, or where he is 
sceptical of their statements and does not choose to 
assume the responsibility for them. 2 Often he does 
not give names, but contents himself with a phrase 
like, "men say," or "I find in certain writers." For 
the first decade he derived his materials from a num- 
ber of annalists. The oldest were Q. Fabius Pictor and 
L. Cincius Alimentus. Both men wrote in Greek and 
lived in the time of the war with Hannibal, in which 
both men fought. Another was L. Calpurnius Piso 
Frugi, who opposed the Gracchi and was consul in 

1 Dion. Hal. Antiq. Rom. iv. xxvi. and vni. xxvii. Diony- 
sius and Livy worked independently of each other, though 
they used common sources. 

2 A. Klotz, "Zu den Quellen der 4 tei und 5 ten Dekade des 
Livius" in Hermes, 1. (1915), pp. 482 and 536. 



133. L Cato's valuable history, the Origines^he seems 
not to have used until he came to treat of the events 
in which Cato himself played a part. It was to writers 
who lived nearer his own day, whose style caused 
Livy to rank them above their less sophisticated but 
no doubt far more trustworthy predecessors that he 
mainly resorted. Such were Valerius Antias, whose 
seventy-five books were certainly the most abundant 
source available, and are thought to have covered the 
history of Rome to the death of Sulla ; C. Licinius 
Macer, tribune of the plebs in 73, who wrote from 
the democratic standpoint ; and Q. Aelius Tubero, 
who took part in the Civil War on the side of 
Pompey, and brought down his annals to his own 

For the third decade Livy used Polybius, 3 though 
whether directly or through a Roman intermediary, 
and whether for the whole or only a part of the ten 
books, are questions still sub iudice. For this decade 
he also drew upon L. Coelius Anti pater, a writer 
whose treatise on the Second Punic War in seven 

1 He composed a comprehensive chronicle of Roman events 
in seven books, written in Latin. 

2 This work, also in seven books, beginning with the 
Aeneas-legend and coming down to the year of the author's 
death, 149 B.C., should have been of the greatest use to Livy. 

3 Polybius was born about 210 B.C., in Megalopolis, where 
he died at the age of 82. His great philosophical history of 
the Romans, from the outbreak of the Second Punic War to 
the fall of Corinth, in 14Q B.C., contained forty books. Only 
i.-v. are extant in their entirety, but we have extracts from 
vi.-xvm., and some fragments of xix.-xl. 



books 1 had introduced into Roman literature the 
genre of the historical monograph. 

In the fourth and fifth decades Livy's main reliance 
seems to have been Polybius, in describing eastern 
affairs, and the annalists Q. Claudius Quadrigarius 2 
and Valerius Antias, in treating of Italy and Spain. 
A recent critic 3 has found reason for thinking that 
Livy used Valerius as his chief authority for western 
matters (controlling his statements however by those 
of Claudius) until, coming to the prosecution of Scipio 
(see Book XXXVIII), he found so much in Valerius 
that was incredible that his mistrust, which had 
hitherto been confined to that annalist's reports of 
numbers (see e.g. xxxin. x. 8.) caused him to take 
Claudius thenceforth for his principal guide. 

This unscientific attitude towards the sources was 
the product partly of Livy's own characteristics, partly 
of the conception of history as a means of edification 
and entertainment prevalent in ancient times. 4 An- 
other shortcoming, which would have to be insisted 
on if we were criticising him as though he were a 
contemporary, is his inability to clear his mind of 
ideas belonging to his own day in considering the 
men and institutions of the past, though this again 
is a limitation which he shares with his age. 

1 Written after the death of C. Gracchus, in 121 B.C. 

2 Claudius wrote of the period from the Gallic invasion to 
his own times, the Sullan age. His work had not fewer than 
23 books. 3 A. Klotz, op. cit., p. 533. 

4 Quint. Inst. Or. x. i. 31 ; Plin. Ep. v. viii. 9 ; Cic. De 
Oral. ii. 59. 



It is evident that the student of history must use 
Livy with caution, especially in those portions of his 
work where his statements cannot be tested by com- 
parison with those of Polybius. Yet, quite apart 
from his claims upon our attention as a supreme 
literary artist, it would be hard to overrate his impor- 
tance as an historian, which is chiefly of two sorts. 
In the first place, uncritical though he is, we have 
no one to put in his place, and his pages are 
our best authority for long stretches of Roman 
history. In the second place he possesses a very 
positive excellence to add to this accidental one, in 
the fidelity and spirit with which he depicts for 
us the Roman's own idea of Rome. Any one of half 
a dozen annalists would have served as well as Livy 
to tell us what the Romans did, but it required genius 
to make us realize as Livy does what the Romans 
were. No mere critical use of documents could ever 
make the Roman character live again as it lives for 
us in his "pictured page." The People and the State 
are idealized no doubt by the patriotic imagination 
of this extraordinary writer, but a people's ideals 
are surely not the least significant part of their 
history. 1 

1 See Mr. Duffs excellent remarks in the finely apprecia- 
tive chapter on Livy in his Literary History of Rome. 




We have seen that each of the extant decades was 
handed down in a separate tradition. The manu- 
scripts of the later portions will be briefly described 
in introductory notes to the volumes in which they 
are contained. Books I.-X. are preserved in a two- 
fold MS. tradition. One family is represented by a 
single MS., the Verona palimpsest (J 7 ). The portion 
of this codex which contains the Livy consists of 
sixty leaves, on which are preserved fragments of 
Books III. -VI., written in uncial characters of the 
fourth century. These fragments were deciphered 
and published by Mommsen in 1868. The 
other family is the so-called Nichomachean. 
This edition, as it may be called, of the first decade 
was produced under the auspices of Q. Aurelius 
Symmachus, who was consul in 391 A.D. He appears 
to have commissioned Tascius Victorianus to prepare 
an amended copy of Books I.-X., and the latter's 
subscription (Victorianus emendabam dominis Symmachis) 
is found after every book as far as the ninth. In 
Books VI. -VI 1 1. the subscription of Victorianus is 
preceded by one of Nichomachus Flavianus, son-in- 
law of Symmachus (Nichomachus Flavianus v. c. III. 
pr defect, urbis emendavi apud Hennain), and in Books 
III.-V. by one of Nichomachus Dexter, a son of 
Flavianus (Till Livi Nichomachus Dexter v.c. emendavi ab 


urbe condita), who adds the information, in subscribing 
Book V., that he had used the copy of his kinsman 
Clementianus. To this origin all the MSS. now extant 
are referred, with the exception of the Veronensis. 
The most famous member of the family is the Mediceus, 
a minuscule codex of the tenth or eleventh century 
containing the ten books and written with great 
fidelity even in absurdities to its exemplar. It 
has been shown to be the work of at least three 
scribes. The MS. abounds with dittographies and 
other errors, but is possibly the most valuable of its 
class, because of its honesty. For a full description 
of this and the other Nichomachean MSS. the reader 
should consult the Oxford edition of Livy, Books I.-V., 
by Conway and Walters. A list of all the MSS. used 
in that edition is given at the end of this introduction. 
The editio princeps, edited by Andreas, afterwards 
Bishop of Aleria, was issued in Rome in 1469. In 
1518 came the Aldine edition. The first complete 
edition of all the books now extant was also brought 
out at Rome, in 1616, by Lusignanus. Of modern 
editions may be mentioned those of Gronovius, 
Leyden, 1645 and 1679 ; Drakenborch (with notes 
of Duker and others, and the supplements of 
Freinsheimius), Leyden, 1738-1746 ; Alschefski, Ber- 
lin, 1841-1846 (critical edition of Books I.-X. and 
XXI.-XXIIL), and Berlin, 1843-44 (text of Books 
I.-X. and XX I. -XXX.) ; Madvig and Ussing, Copen- 
hagen 4 , 1886 ff, (Madvig's Emendationes Livianae a 




classic of criticism had appeared at Copenhagen 
in 1860); Hertz, Leipsic, 1857-1863 ; Weissenborn 
(Teubner text, revised by M. Miiller and W. Heraeus) 
Leipsic, 1881 ff.; Luclis, Books XXI.-XXV. and 
XXVI.-XXX., Berlin, 1888-1889 (best critical ap- 
paratus for third decade) ; Zingerle, Leipsic, 1888- 
1908; Weissenborn and H. J. Miiller, Berlin, 1880- 
1909 (best explanatory edition of the whole of Livy, 
with German notes ; the several volumes are more 
or less frequently republished in revised editions) ; 
M. Muller, F. Luterbacher, E. Wolfflin, H. J. Miiller, 
and F. Friedersdorff (Books I.-X. and XXI.-XXX., 
separate volumes, with German notes) Leipsic, various 
dates ; Books I. and II. are in their second edition 
(II. by W. Heraeus). 

Of the numerous editions of parts of the first decade 
which are provided with English notes may be cited : 
Book I. by Sir J. Seeley, Oxford, 1874; by H. J. 
Edwards, Cambridge, 1912 ; Books I. and II. by J. B. 
Greenough, Boston, 1891 ; Book II. by R. S. Con way, 
Cambridge, 1901 ; Books II. and III. by H. M. 
Stephenson, London, 1882 ; Book III. by P. Thoresby 
Jones, Oxford, 1914 ; Book IV. by H. M. Stephenson, 
Cambridge, 1890 ; Books V.-VII. by A. R. Cluer and 
P. E. Matheson, Oxford, 1904 2 ; Book IX. by W. B. 
Anderson, Cambridge, 1909. 

For the first decade the critical edition by Con way 
and Walters, of which the first half was published by 
the Oxford University Press in 1914, is the standard. 



There are translations of the whole of Livy by 
Philemon Holland, London, 1600 ; by George Baker, 
London, 1797 ; and by Rev. Canon Roberts, now in 
course of publication in Everyman's Library, London, 
1912 ff. Books XXI. -XXV. have been done by A. J. 
Church and W. J. Brodribb, London, 1890. 

Of books concerned wholly or in part with Livy 
the following may be mentioned : H. Taine, Essai 
sur Tile Live, Paris, 1856 ; J. Wight Duff, A Literary 
History of Rome, London and New York, 1909; O. 
Riemann, Etudes sur la Langue et la Grammaire de 
Tile-Live, Paris, 1885; C. Wachsmuth, Einleitung in 
das Studium der alien Geschichte, Leipsic, 1895 ; H. 
Darnley Naylor, Latin and English Idiom, an Object 
Lesson from Livy's Preface, and More Latin and 
English Idiom, Cambridge, 1909 and 1915. 

For further information about the bibliography of 
Livy, including the great mass of pamphlets and 
periodical articles, the student may consult Schanz, 
Geschichle der romischen Lilteralur ii. I 3 , Munich, 1911 
(in Iwan von Miiller's Handbuch der Klassischen 
Alterlumsmissenschaft) and the various Jahresberichle, 
by H. J. Miiller and others, which Schanz lists 
on p. 418. 

See also: Commentary on Books I.-V. by R. M. 
Ogilvie, Oxford, 1965; Complete Text of Livy by 
Conway, Walters, Johnson, MacDonald, Oxford, still 
in progress. 




F= Veronensis, 4th century. 

F Floriacensis, 9th century. 

P= Parisiensis, 10th century. 

E= Einsiedlensis, 10th century. 

//= Harleianus prior, 10th century. 

B= Bambergensis, 10th or llth century. 

Af=Mediceus, 10th or llth century. 
Form. = Vormatiensis (as reported by Rhenanus). 

R= Romanus, llth century. 

U= Upsaliensis, llth century. 

D = Dominicanus, llth or 12th century. 

L = Leidensis, 12th century. 

A = Aginnensis, 13th century. 

M 1 M 2 etc. denote corrections made by the original 
scribe or a later corrector. When it is 
impossible to identify the corrector M x 
is employed. 
D = all or some of the above MSS. 

a = later part of A, 14th century. 

S = one or more of the inferior MSS and early 


Aid. (or ed. Aid. ) = the Aldine edition, Venice, 1518. 
Cassiod. = Cassiodorius. 

Class. Qtiarf. = The Classical Quarterly, London, 1907 ff. 
C.I.L. = Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, vol. i. 2 Berlin, 


Diod. = Diodorus Siculus. 
Dion. Hal. = Dionysius of Halicarnassus. 









FACTURUSNE operae pretium sim, 1 si a primordio 
urbis res populi Roman! perscripserim, nee satis scio, 

2 nee, si sciam, dicere ausim, quippe qui cum veterem 
turn volgatam esse rem videam, dum novi semper 
scriptores aut in rebus certius aliquid allaturos se 
aut scribendi arte rudem vetustatem superaturos 

3 credunt. Utcumque erit, iuvabit tamen rerum 
gestarum memoriae principis terrarum populi pro 
virili parte et ipsum consuluisse ; et si in tanta 
scriptorum turba mea fnma in obscuro sit, nobilitate 
ac magiiitudirie eorum me qui nomini officient meo 

4 consoler. Res est praeterea et immensi operis, ut 
quae supra septingentesimum annum repetatur, et 

1 operae pretium sim Sabellicus (from Quint, ix. iv. 74) : 
sim operae pretium A. 






WHETHER I am likely to accomplish anything 
worthy of the labour, if I record the achievements 
of the Roman people from the foundation of the city, 
I do not really know, nor if I knew would I dare to 
avouch it ; perceiving as I do that the theme l is not 
only old but hackneyed, through the constant succes- 
sion of new historians, who believe either that in their 
facts they can produce more authentic information, 
or that in their style they will prove better than the 
rude attempts of the ancients. Yet, however this 
shall be, it will be a satisfaction to have done my- 
self as much as lies in me to commemorate the 
deeds of the foremost people of the world ; and if in 
so vast a company of writers my own reputation 
should be obscure, my consolation would be the 
fame and greatness of those whose renown will throw 
mine into the shade. Moreover, my subject involves 
infinite labour, seeing that it must be traced back 

1 Some scholars take rem to mean "the practice," c. of 
expressing confidence in one's ability. 


quae ab exiguis profecta initiis eo creverit ut iam 
magnitudine laboret sua ; et legentium plerisque 
baud dubito quin primae origines proximaque origi- 
nibus minus praebitura voluptatis sint, festinantibus 
ad haec nova, quibus iam pridem praevalentis populi 

5 vires se ipsae conficiunt : ego contra hoc quoque 
laboris praemium petain, ut me a conspectu malo- 
rum quae nostra tot per annos vidit aetas, tantisper 
certe dum prisca ilia tota mente repeto, avertam, 
omnis expers curae quae scribentis animum, etsi 
non flectere a vero, sollicitum tamen efficere posset. 

6 Quae ante conditam condendamve urbem poeticis 
magis decora fabulis quam incorruptis rerum ges- 
tarum monumentis traduntur, ea nee adfirmare nee 

7 refellere in animo est. Datur haec venia antiquitati, 
ut miscendo humana divinis primordia urbium augus- 
tiora faciat ; et si cui populo licere oportet conse- 
crare origines suas et ad deos referre auctores, ea 
belli gloria est populo Romano ut cum suum con- 
ditorisque sui parentem Martem potissimum ferat 
tarn et hoc gentes humanae patiantur aequo animo 

8 quam imperium patiuntur. Sed haec et his similia, 
utcumque animadversa aut existimata erunt, baud 

9 in magno equidem ponam discrimine : ad ilia mihi 
pro se quisque acriter intendat animum, quae vita, 

1 Livy refers to the animosities inevitably aroused by 
writers who dealt with such thorny subjects as the civil 
wars, during the lifetime of many who had taken part in 


above seven hundred years, and that proceeding from 
slender beginnings it has so increased as now to be 
burdened by its own magnitude ; and at the same 
time I doubt not that to most readers the earliest 
origins and the period immediately succeeding them 
will give little pleasure, for they will be in haste to 
reach these modern times, in which the might of a 
people which has long been very powerful is working 
its own undoing. I myself, on the contrary, shall 
seek in this an additional reward for my toil, that I 
may avert my gaze from the troubles which our age 
has been witnessing for so many years, so long at 
least as I am absorbed in the recollection of the 
brave days of old, free from every care which, even 
if it could not divert the historian's mind from the 
truth, might nevertheless cause it anxiety. 1 

Such traditions as belong to the time before the 
city was founded, or rather was presently to be 
founded, and are rather adorned with poetic legends 
than based upon trustworthy historical proofs, I 
purpose neither to affirm nor to refute. It is the 
privilege of antiquity to mingle divine things with 
human, and so to add dignity to the beginnings of 
cities ; and if any people ought to be allowed to 
consecrate their origins and refer them to a divine 
source, so great is the military glory of the Roman 
People that when they profess that their Father and 
the Father of their Founder was none other than 
Mars, the nations of the earth may well submit to 
this also with as good a grace as they submit to 
Rome's dominion. But to such legends as these, 
however they shall be regarded and judged, I shall, 
for my own part, attach no great importance. Here 
are the questions to which I would have every reader 


qui mores fuerint, per quos viros quibusque artibus 
domi militiaeque et partum et auctum imperium sit ; 
labente delude paulatim disciplina velut desidentis 1 
primo mores sequatur animo,, deinde ut magis magis- 
que lapsi sint, turn ire coeperint praecipites, donee 
ad haec tempora quibus nee vitia nostra nee remedia 
pati possumus perventum est. 

10 Hoc illud est praecipue in cognitione rerum 
salubre ac frugiferum, omnis te exempli documenta 
in inlustri posita monumento intueri ; inde tibi 
tuaeque rei publicae quod imitere capias, inde 

11 foedum inceptu, foedum exitu, quod vites. Ceterum 
aut me amor negotii suscepti fallit, aut nulla um- 
quam res publica nee maior nee sanctior nee bonis 
exemplis ditior fuit, nee in quam civitatem tam 
serae avaritia luxuriaque inmigraverint, nee ubi tan- 
tus ac tam diu paupertati ac parsimoniae honos 
fuerit. Adeo quanto rerum minus, tanto minus 

12 cupiditatis erat ; nuper divitiae avaritiam et abun- 
dantes voluptates desiderium per luxum atque libi- 
dinem pereundi perdendique omnia invexere. 

Sed querellae, ne turn quidem gratae futurae 
cum forsitan necessariae erunt, ab initio certe 

13 tantae ordiendae rei absint ; cum bonis potius omi- 
nibus votisque et precationibus deorum dearumque, 

1 desidentes 5- : discidentis M : dissidentis (or dissiden- 
tes) n. 

1 The metaphor is from a decaying building. 

2 The monument Livy means is the body of a nation's 
achievements (cf, res in 1), the " history " of a nation, in 



give his close attention what life and morals were 
like ; through what men and by what policies, in 
peace and in war, empire was established and en- 
larged ; then let him note how, with the gradual 
relaxation of discipline, morals first gave way, as it 
were, then sank lower and lower, and finally began 
the downward plunge l which has brought us to the 
present time, when we can endure neither our vices 
nor their cure. 

What chiefly makes the study of history wholesome 
and profitable is this, that you behold the lessons of 
every kind of experience set forth as on a conspicu- 
ous monument; 2 from these you may choose for 
yourself and for your own state what to imitate, from 
these mark for avoidance what is shameful in the 
conception and shameful in the result. For the rest, 
either love of the task I have set myself deceives me, 
or no state was ever greater, none more righteous or 
richer in good examples, none ever was where avarice 
and luxury came into the social order so late, or where 
humble means and thrift were so highly esteemed 
and so long held in honour. For true it is that the 
less men's wealth was, the less was their greed. Of 
late, riches have brought in avarice, and excessive 
pleasures the longing to carry wantonness and licence 
to the point of ruin for oneself and of universal 

But complaints are sure to be disagreeable, even 
when they shall perhaps be necessary ; let the begin- 
ning, at all events, of so great an enterprise have 
none. With good omens rather would we begin, and, 
if historians had the same custom which poets have, 

that objective sense of the word. This he likens to a 
monument of stone on which men's deeds are recorded. 


si, ut poetis, nobis quoque mos esset, libentius 
inciperemus, ut orsis tantum operis successus pros- 
peros darent. 

I. lam primum omnium satis constat Troia capta 
in ceteros saevitum esse Troianos : duobus, Aeneae 
Antenorique, et vetusti iure hospitii et quia pacis 
reddendaeque Helenae semper auctores fuerunt, 

2 omne ius belli Achivos abstinuisse ; casibus deinde 
variis Antenorem cum multitudine Enetum, qui 
seditione ex Paphlagonia pulsi et sedes et ducem 
rege Pylaemene ad Troiam amisso quaerebant, 

3 venisse in intimum maris Hadriatici sinum, Euga- 
neisque, qui inter mare Alpesque incolebant, pulsis, 
Enetos Troianosque eas tenuisse terras. Et in quern 
primum egressi sunt locum Troia vocatur, pagoque 
inde Troiano nomen est : gens universa Veneti 

4 appellati. Aeneam ab simili clade domo profugum, 
sed ad maiora rerum initia ducentibus fatis, primo 
in Macedonian! venisse, inde in Sicilian! quaerentem 
sedes delatum, ab Sicilia classe ad Laurentem agrum 

5 tenuisse. Troia et huic loco nomen est. Ibi egressi 
Troiani, ut quibus ab inmenso prope errore nihil 
praeter arma et naves superesset, cum praedam ex 
agris agerent, Latinus rex Aboriginesque, qui turn 
ea tenebant loca, ad arcendam vim advenarum 

6 armati ex urbe atque agris concurrunt. Duplex inde 

1 See the Iliad, v. 576. 

BOOK I. i. 1-6 

I. First of all, then, it is generally agreed that 
when Troy was taken vengeance was wreaked upon 
the other Trojans, but that two, Aeneas and Antenor, 
were spared all the penalties of war by the Achivi, 
owing to long-standing claims of hospitality, and be- 
cause they had always advocated peace and the giving 
back of Helen. They then experienced various vicis- 
situdes. Antenor, with a company of Eneti who had 
been expelled from Paphlagonia in a revolution and 
were looking for a home and a leader for they had 
lost their king, Pylaemenes, at Troy l came to the 
inmost bay of the Adriatic. There, driving out the 
Euganei, who dwelt between the sea and the Alps, 
the Eneti and Trojans took possession of those lands. 
And in fact the place where they first landed is called 
Troy, and the district is therefore known as Trojan, 
while the people as a whole are called the Veneti. 
Aeneas, driven from home by a similar misfortune, 
but guided by fate to undertakings of greater conse- 
quence, came first to Macedonia ; thence was carried, 
in his quest of a place of settlement, to Sicily ; and 
from Sicily laid his course towards the land of Lauren- 
turn. This place too is called Troy. Landing there, 
the Trojans, as men who, after their all but immeasur- 
able wanderings, had nothing left but their swords 
and ships, were driving booty from the fields, when 
King Latinus and the Aborigines, who then occupied 
that country, rushed down from their city and their 
fields to repel with arms the violence of the in- 
vaders. From this point the tradition follows two 


fama est. Alii proelio victum Latinum pacem cum 

7 Aenea, deinde affinitatem iunxisse tradunt : alii, cum 
instructae acies constitissent, priusquam signa cane- 
rent processisse Latinum inter primores ducemque 
advenarum evocasse ad conloquium ; percunctatum 
deinde qui mortales essent, unde aut quo casu pro- 
fecti doino quidve quaerentes in agrum Laurenti- 

8 num l exissent, postquam audierit multitudinem 
Troianos esse, ducem Aeneam, filium Arichisae et 
Veneris, cremata patria domo profugos sedem con- 
dendaeque urbi locum quaerere, et nobilitatem 
admiratum gentis virique et animum vel bello vel 
paci paratum, dextra data fid em futurae amicitiae 

9 sanxisse. Inde foedus ictum inter duces, inter exer- 
citus salutationem factam ; Aeneam apud Latinum 
fuisse in hospitio ; ibi Latinum apud penates decs 
domesticum publico adiunxisse foedus filia Aeneae 

10 in matrimonium data. Eci res utique Troianis spem 
adfirmat tandem stabili certaque sede finiendi erroris. 

11 Oppidum condunt ; Aeneas ab nomine uxoris Lavi- 
nium appellat. Brevi stirpis quoque virilis ex novo 
matrimonio fuit, cui Ascanium parentes dixere 

II. Bello deinde Aborigines Troianique simul 
petiti. Turnus, rex Rutulorum, cui pacta Lavinia 
ante adventum Aeneae fuerat, praelatum sibi adve- 

1 Laurentinum n : Laurentera MO Z DL$-. 

1 This, in a nutshell, is the form of Jthe legend on which 
Virgil based Books vii.-xii. of the Aemid. 


BOOK I. i. 6-n. i 

lines. Some say that Latinus, having been defeated 
in the battle, made a peace with Aeneas, and later 
an alliance of marriage. 1 Others maintain that when 
the opposing lines had been drawn up, Latinus did 
not wait for the charge to sound, but advanced 
amidst his chieftains and summoned the captain of 
the strangers to a parley. He then inquired what 
men they were, whence they had come, what mishap 
had caused them to leave their home, and what they 
souffht in landing on the coast of Laurentum. He 

O O 

was told that the people were Trojans and their 
leader Aeneas, son of Anchises and Venus ; that 
their city had been burnt, and that, driven from 
home, they were looking for a dwelling-place and a 
site where they might build a city. Filled with 
wonder at the renown of the race and the hero, and 
at his spirit, prepared alike for war or peace, he gave 
him his right hand in solemn pledge of lasting friend- 
ship. The commanders then made a treaty, and the 
armies saluted each other. Aeneas became a guest 
in the house of Latinus ; there the latter, in the 
presence of his household gods, added a domestic 
treaty to the public one, by giving his daughter in 
marriage to Aeneas. This event removed any doubt 
in the minds of the Trojans that they had brought 
their wanderings to an end at last in a permanent 
and settled habitation. They founded a town, which 
Aeneas named Lavinium, after his wife. In a short 
time, moreover, there was a male scion of the new 
marriage, to whom his parents gave the name of 

II. War was then made upon Trojans and Abori- 
gines alike. Turnus was king of the Rutulians, and 
to him Lavinia had been betrothed before the coming 



nam aegre patieiis simul Aeneae Latinoque bellum 

2 intulerat. Neutra acies laeta ex eo certamine abiit : 
victi Rutuli : victores Aborigines Troianique ducem 

3 Latinum amisere. Inde Turnus Rutulique diffisi 
rebus ad florentes opes Etruscorum Mezentiumque 
regem eorum confugiunt, qui Caere opulento turn 
oppido imperitans, iam inde ab initio minime laetus 
novae origine urbis, et turn nimio plus quam satis 
tutum esset accolis rem Troianam crescere ratus, 

4 baud gravatim socia arma Rutulis iunxit. Aeneas, 
adversus tanti belli terrorem ut animos Aboriginum 
sibi conciliaret, nee sub eodem hire solum sed etiam 
nomine omnes essent, Latinos utramque gentem 

5 appellavit. Nee deinde Aborigines Troianis studio 
ac fide erga regem Aeneam cessere. Fretusque his 
animis coalescentium in dies magis duorum popu- 
lorum Aeneas, quamquam tanta opibus Etruria erat 
ut iam non terras solum sed mare etiam per totam 
Italiae longitudinem ab Alpibus ad fretum Siculum 
fama nominis sui inplesset, tamen, cum rnoenibus 
bellum propulsare posset, in aciem copias eduxit. 

6 Secundum inde proelium Latinis, Aeneae etiam 
ultimum operum mortalium fuit. Situs est, quem- 

1 Virgil makes Jupiter grant, as a favour to Juno, that 


BOOK I. ii. 1-6 

of Aeneas. Indignant that a stranger should be pre- 
ferred before him, he attacked, at the same time, both 
Aeneas and Latinus. Neither army came off rejoicing 
from that battle. The Rutulians were beaten : the 
victorious Aborigines and Trojans lost their leader 
Latinus. Then Turnus and the Rutulians, discouraged 
at their situation, fled for succour to the opulent and 
powerful Etruscans and their king Mezentius, who 
held sway in Caere, at that time an important town. 
Mezentius had been, from the very beginning, far 
from pleased at the birth of the new city ; he now 
felt that the Trojan state was growing much more 
rapidly than was altogether safe for its neighbours, 
and readily united his forces with those of the 
Rutulians. Aeneas, that he might win the good- 
will of the Aborigines to confront so formidable 
an array, and that all might possess not only the 
same rights but also the same name, called both 
nations Latins; 1 and from that time on the Abo- 
rigines were no less ready and faithful than the 
Trojans in the service of King Aeneas. Accord- 
ingly, trusting to this friendly spirit of the two 
peoples, which were growing each day more united, 
and, despite the power of Etruria, which had filled 
with the glory of her name not only the lands 
but the sea as well, along the whole extent of 
Italy from the Alps to the Sicilian Strait, Aeneas 
declined to defend himself behind his walls, as he 
might have done, but led out his troops to battle. 
The fight which ensued was a victory for the Latins : 
for Aeneas it was, besides, the last of his mortal 
labours. He lies buried, whether it is fitting and right 

the Trojan name shall be sunk in the Latin (At.n. xii. 



cumque eum dici ius fasque est, super Numicum 
flumen : lovem indigetem appellant. 

III. Nondum maturus imperio Ascanius Aeneae 
filius erat ; tamen id imperium ei ad puberem aeta- 
tem incolume mansit ; tantisper tutela muliebri 
tanta indoles in Lavinia erat res Latina et regnum 

2 avitum paternumque puero stetit. Haud ambigam 
quis enim rem tarn veterem pro certo adfirmet ? 
hicine fuerit Ascanius an maior quam hie, Creusa 
matre Ilio incolumi natus comesque inde paternae 
fugae, quern lulum eundem lulia gens auctorem 

3 nominis sui nuncupat. Is Ascanius, ubicumque et 
quacumque matre genitus certe natum Aenea con- 
stat abundante Lavini multitudine florentem iam, 
ut turn res erant, atque opulentam urbem matri seu 
novercae reliquit : novam ipse aliam sub Albano 
monte condidit, quae ab situ porrectae in dorso urbis 

4 Longa Alba appellata. Inter Lavinium conditum l 
et Albam Longam coloniam deductam triginta ferme 
interfuere anni. Tantum tamen opes creverant, 
maxime fusis Etruscis,, ut ne morte quidem Aeneae 
nee deinde inter muliebrem tutelam rudimentumque 
primum puerilis regni movere arma aut Mezentius 

5 Etruscique aut ulli alii accolae ausi sint. Pax ita 
convenerat ut Etruscis Latinisque fluvius Albula, 

1 Lavinium conditum Harant : Lavinium fl. 

1 Indiges means "of or belonging to a certain place" 
(Fowler, Feat. p. 192). Dion. Hal. i. 64, says that the 
Latins made a shrine to Aeneas with an inscription in which 

BOOK I. ii. 6-in. 5 

to term him god or man, on the banks of the river 
Numicus ; men, however, call him Jupiter Indiges. 1 

III. Ascanius, Aeneas' son, was not yet ripe for 
authority ; yet the authority was kept for him, un- 
impaired, until he arrived at manhood. Meanwhile, 
under a woman's regency, the Latin State and the 
kingdom of his father and his grandfather stood 
unshaken so strong was Lavinia's character until 
the boy could claim it. I shall not discuss the question 

-for who could affirm for certain so ancient a matter? 

-whether this boy was Ascanius, or an elder brother, 
born by Creusa while Ilium yet stood, who accom- 
panied his father when he fled from the city, being 
the same whom the Julian family call lulus and claim 
as the author of their name. This Ascanius, no 
matter where born, or of what mother it is agreed 
in any case that he was Aeneas' son left Lavinium, 
when its population came to be too large, for it was 
already a flourishing and wealthy city for those days, 
to his mother, or stepmother, and founded a new city 
himself below the Alban Mount. This was known 
from its position, as it lay stretched out along the 
ridge, by the name of Alba Longa. From the settle- 
ment of Lavinium to the planting of the colony at 
Alba Longa was an interval of some thirty years. 
Yet the nation had grown so powerful, in consequence 
especially of the defeat of the Etruscans, that even 
when Aeneas died, and even when a woman became 
its regent and a boy began his apprenticeship as king, 
neither Mezentius and his Etruscans nor any other 
neighbours dared to attack them. Peace had been 
agreed to on these terms, that the River Albula, which 
men now call the Tiber, should be the boundary 

he was called irar^p xQ^vios (Pater Indiges). He was also 
called Deus Indiges and Aeneas Indiges. 



6 quern nunc Tiberim vocant, finis esset. Silvius 
delude regnat, Ascanii filius, casu quodam in silvis 

7 natus. Is Aeneam Silvium creat ; is deinde Latinum 
Silvium. Ab eo coloniae aliquot deductae, Prisci 

8 Latini appellati. Mansit Silviis postea omnibus cog- 
nomen qui Albae regnarunt. 1 Latino Alba ortus, 
Alba Atys, Atye Capys, Capye Capetus, Capeto 
Tiberinus, qui in traiectu 2 Albulae amnis submersus 

9 celebre ad posteros nomen flumini dedit. Agrippa 
inde Tiberini films, post Agrippam Romulus Silvius 
a patre accepto imperio regnat. Aventino fulmine 
ipse ictus regnum per manus tradidit. Is sepultus 
in eo colle, qui nunc pars Romanae est urbis, cogno- 

10 men colli fecit. Proca deinde regnat. Is Numi- 
torem atque Amulium procreat ; Numitori, qui stirpis 
maximus erat, regnum vetustum Silviae gentis legat. 
Plus tamen vis potuit quam voluntas patris aut vere- 

11 cuiidia aetatis : pulso fratre Amulius regnat. Addit 
sceleri scelus: stirpem fratris virilem interemit 3 : 
fratris filiae Reae Silviae per speciem honoris, cum 
Vestalem earn legisset, perpetua virginitate spem 
partus adimit. 4 

IV. Sed debebatur, ut opinor, fatis tantae origo 

urbis maximique secundum deorum opes imperil 

2 principium. Vi compressa Vestalis, cum geminum 

partum edidisset, seu ita rata, seu quia deus auctor 

culpae honestior erat, Martem incertae stirpis patrem 

1 regnarunt ft : regnaverunt M. 

2 traiectu R Z D* (or D l ) : traiecto n. 

3 interemit fl : interimit M01HR. 

4 adimit H : ademit UOE\ 


BOOK I. HI. 5-iv. 2 

between the Etruscans and the Latins. Next Silvius 
reigned, son of Ascanius, born, as it chanced, in the 
forest. He begat Aeneas Silvius, and he Latinus 
Silvius. By him several colonies were planted, and 
called the Ancient Latins. Thereafter the cognomen 
Silvius was retained by all who ruled at Alba. From 
Latinus came Alba, from Alba Atys, from Atys Capys, 
from Capys Capetus, from Capetus Tiberinus. This 
last king was drowned in crossing the River Albula, 
and gave the stream the name which has been current 
with later generations. Then Agrippa, son of Tibe- 
rinus, reigned, and after Agrippa Romulus Silvius 
was king, having received the power from his father. 
Upon the death of Romulus by lightning, the king- 
ship passed from him to Aventinus. This king was 
buried on that hill, which is now a part of the City 
of Rome, and gave his name to the hill. Proca ruled 
next. He begat Numitor and Amulius ; to Numitor, 
the elder, he bequeathed the ancient realm of the 
Silvian family. Yet violence proved more potent 
than a father's wishes or respect for seniority. Amu- 
lius drove out his brother and ruled in his stead. 
Adding crime to crime, he destroyed Numitor's male 
issue ; and Rhea Silvia, his brother's daughter, he 
appointed a Vestal under pretence of honouring 
her, and by consigning her to perpetual virginity, 
deprived her of the hope of children. 

IV. But the Fates were resolved, as I suppose, 
upon the founding of this great City, and the 
beginning of the mightiest of empires, next after 
that of Heaven. The Vestal was ravished, and 
having given birth to twin sons, named Mars as the 
father of her doubtful offspring, whether actually so 
believing, or because it seemed less wrong if a god 


3 nuncupat. Sed nee dii nee homines aut ipsam aut 
stirpem a crudelitate regia vindicant : sacerdos vincta 
in custodiam datur : pueros in profluentem aquam 

4 mitti iubet. Forte quadam divinitus super ripas 
Tiberis etfusus lenibus stagnis nee adiri usquam ad 
iusti cursum poterat amnis et posse quamvis languida 

5 mergi aqua infantes spem ferentibus dabat. Ita, 
velut defuncti regis imperio, in proxima alluvie ubi 
nunc ficus Rtiminalis est Romularem vocatam ferunt 

pueros exponunt. Vastae turn in his locis soli- 
tudines erant. Tenet fama, cum fluitantem alveum 
quo expositi erant pueri tenuis in sicco aqua desti- 
tuisset, lupam sitientem ex montibus qui circa sunt 
ad puerilem vagitum cursum flexisse ; earn summissas 
infantibus adeo mitem praebuisse mammas ut lingua 
lambentem pueros magister regii pecoris invenerit 

7 Faustulo fuisse nomen ferunt. Ab eo ad stabula 
Larentiae l uxori educandos datos. Sunt qui Laren- 
tiam 1 vulgato corpora lupam inter pastores vocatam 

8 putent : hide locum fabulae ac miraculo datum. Ita 
geniti itaque educati, cum primum adolevit aetas, nee 
in stabulis nee ad pecora segnes, venando peragrare 

9 saltus. Hinc robore corporibus animisque sumpto 

1 Larentiae (-am) MDL : Laurentiae (-am) n. 

1 The word hq)a was sometimes used in the sense of 
" courtesan." 


BOOK I. iv. 2-9 

were the author of her fault. But neither gods nor 
men protected the mother herself or her babes from 
the king's cruelty ; the priestess he ordered to be 
manacled and cast into prison, the children to be 
committed to the river. It happened by singular 
good fortune that the Tiber having spread beyond 
its banks into stagnant pools afforded nowhere any 
access to the regular channel of the river, and the 
men who brought the twins were led to hope that 
being infants they might be drowned, no matter 
how sluggish the stream. So they made shift to 
discharge the king's command, by exposing the 
babes at the nearest point of the overflow, where the 
fig-tree Ruminalis formerly, they say, called Romu- 
laris now stands. In those days this was a wild 
and uninhabited region. The story persists that 
when the floating basket in which the children had 
been exposed was left high and dry by the receding 
water, a she-wolf, coming down out of the surround- 
ing hills to slake her thirst, turned her steps towards 
the cry of the infants, and with her teats gave 
them suck so gently, that the keeper of the royal 
flock found her licking them with her tongue. 
Tradition assigns to this man the name of Faustulus, 
and adds that he carried the twins to his hut and gave 
them to his wife Larentia to rear. Some think that 
Larentia, having been free with her favours, had got 
the name of " she-wolf" among the shepherds, and 
that this gave rise to this marvellous story. 1 The 
boys, thus born and reared, had no sooner attained to 
youth than they began yet without neglecting the 
farmstead or the flocks to range the glades of the 
mountains for game. Having in this way gained 
both strength and resolution, they would now not 



iam non feras tantum subsistere, sed in latrones 
praeda onustos impetus facere pastoribusque rapta 
dividere et cum his crescente in dies grege iuvenum 
seria ac iocos celebrare. 

V. Iam turn in Palatio monte Lupercal hoc fuisse 
ludicrum ferunt et a Pallanteo, urbe Arcadica, Pal- 

2 lantium, dein Palatium montem appellatum. Ibi 
Euandrum, qui ex eo genere Arcadum multis ante 
tempestatibus tenuerit loca, sollemne adlatum ex 
Arcadia instituisse ut nudi iuvenes Lycaeum Pana 
venerantes per lusum atque lasciviam currerent, 

3 quern Romani deinde vocarunt Inuum. Huic deditis 
ludicro, cum sollemne notum esset, insidiatos ob iram 
praedae amissae latrones, cum Romulus vi se defen- 
disset, Remum cepisse, captum regi Amulio tradi- 

4 disse ultro accusantes. Crimini maxime dabant in 
Numitoris agros ab iis impetus l fieri ; inde eos 
collecta iuvenum manu hostilem in modum praedas 
agere. Sic Numitori ad supplicium Remus deditur. 

6 Iam inde ab initio Faustulo spes fuerat regiam stir- 
pern apud se educari ; nam et expositos iussu regis 
infantes sciebat, et tempus quo ipse eos sustulisset 
ad id ipsum congruere ; sed rem inmaturam nisi aut 

1 impetus Gronovius : impetum A. 

1 The derivation here given is fanciful. The word is pro- 
bably akin to palus, " pale," and meant a " fenced place." 


BOOK I. iv. 9-v. 5 

only face wild beasts, but would attack robbers 
laden with their spoils, and divide up what they took 
from them among the shepherds, with whom they 
shared their toils and pranks, while their band of 
young men grew larger every day. 

V. They say that the Palatine was even then the 
scene of the merry festival of the Lupercalia which 
we have to-day, and that the hill was named 
Pallantium, from Pallanteum, an Arcadian city, 
and then Palatium. 1 There Evander, an Arcadian 
of that stock, who had held the place many ages 
before the time of which I am writing, is said to 
have established the yearly rite, derived from 
Arcadia, that youths should run naked about in 
playful sport, doing honour to Lycaean Pan, whom 
the Romans afterwards called Inuus. When the 
young men were occupied in this celebration, the 
rite being generally known, some robbers who had 
been angered by the loss of their plunder laid an 
ambush for them, and although Romulus successfully 
defended himself, captured Remus and delivered up 
their prisoner to King Amulius, even lodging a com- 
plaint against him. The main charge was that the 
brothers made raids on the lands of Numitor, and 
pillaged them, with a band of young fellows which 
they had got together, like an invading enemy. So 
Remus was given up to Numitor to be punished. 
From the very beginning Faustulus had entertained 
the suspicion that they were children of the royal 
blood that he was bringing up in his house ; for he 
was aware both that infants had been exposed by 
order of the king, and that the time when he had 
himself taken up the children exactly coincided with 
that event. But he had been unwilling that the 



per occasionem aut per necessitatem aperire 1 nolu- 

6 erat. Necessitas prior venit ; ita metu subactus 
Romulo rein aperit. Forte et Numitori, cuin in 
custodia Remum haberet audissetque geminos esse 
fratres, comparando et aetatem eorum et ipsam 
minime servilem indolern tetigerat animum memoria 
nepotum ; sciscitandoque eodem pervenit, ut baud 
procul esset quin Remum agnosceret. Ita undique 

7 regi dolus nectitur. Romulus non cum globo iuve- 
num nee enim erat ad vim apertam par sed aliis 
alio itinere iussis certo tempore ad regiam venire 
pastoribus ad regem impetum facit, et a domo 
Numitoris alia comparata manu adiuvat Remus. Ita 
regem obtruncat. 2 VI. Numitor inter primum tu- 
multum hostis invasisse urbem atque adortos regiam 
dictitans, cum pubem Albanam in arcem praesidio 
armisque obtinendam avocasset, postquam iuvenes 
perpetrata caede pergere ad se gfatulaiites vidit, 
extemplo advocate concilio scelera in se fratris, 
origiiiem nepotum, ut geniti, ut educati, ut cogniti 
essent, caedem deinceps tyranni seque eius auctorem 

2 ostendit. Iuvenes per mediam coiitionem agmine 
ingressi cum avum regem salutassent, secuta ex omni 
multitudine consentiens vox ratum nomen imperi- 
umque regi efficit. 

1 aperire PFUBOE : aperiri (app- H) MRDLH. 
3 cLlruncat fl : obtruncant j-. 

BOOK I. v. 5-vi. 2 

matter should be disclosed prematurely, until op- 
portunity offered or necessity compelled. Necessity 
came first ; accordingly, driven by fear, he revealed 
the facts to Romulus. It chanced that Numitor too, 
having Remus in custody, and hearing that the 
brothers were twins, had been reminded, upon con- 
sidering their age and their far from servile nature, 
of his grandsons. The inquiries he made led him 
to the same conclusion, so that he was almost ready 
to acknowledge Remus. Thus on every hand the 
toils were woven about the king. Romulus did not 
assemble his company of youths for he was not 
equal to open violence but commanded his shep- 
herds to come to the palace at an appointed time, 
some by one way, some by another, and so made his 
attack upon the king ; while from the house of 
Numitor came Remus, with another party which he 
had got together, to help his brother. So Romulus 
slew the king. VI. At the beginning of the fray 
Numitor exclaimed that an enemy had invaded the 
city and attacked the palace, and drew off the active 
men of the place to serve as an armed garrison for 
the defence of the citadel ; and when he saw the 
young men approaching, after they had dispatched 
the king, to congratulate him, he at once summoned 
a council, and laid before it his brother's crimes 
against himself, the parentage of his grandsons, and 
how they had been born, reared, and recognised. 
He then announced the tyrant's death, and declared 
himself to be responsible for it. The brothers ad- 
vanced with their band through the midst of the 
crowd, and hailed their grandfather king, whereupon 
such a shout of assent arose from the entire throng 
as confirmed the new monarch's title and authority. 



3 Ita Numitori Albana re permissa Romulum Re- 
mumque cupido cepit in iis 1 locis ubi expositi ubique 
educati erant urbis condendae. Et supererat multi- 
tudo Albanorum Latinorumque ; ad id pastores quo- 
que accesserant, qui omnes facile spem facerent 
parvam Albam, parvum Lavinium prae ea urbe quae 

4 conderetur fore. Intervenit deinde his cogitationi- 
bus avitum malum, regni cupido, atque inde foedum 
certamen, coortum a satis miti principio. Quoniam 
gemini essent nee aetatis verecundia discrimen facere 
posset, ut dii, quorum tutelae ea loca esseiit, auguriis 
legerent, qui nomen novae urbi daret, qui conditam 
imperio regeret, Palatium Romulus, Remus Aventi- 

A.U.C. 1 mini ad inaugurandum templa capiunt. VII. Priori 
Remo augurium venisse fertur, sex vultures, iamque 
nuntiato augurio cum duplex numerus Romulo se 
ostendisset, utrumque regem sua multitude consalu- 

2 taverat : tempore illi praecepto, at hi numero avium 
regnum trahebant. Inde cum altercatione congressi 
certamine irarum ad caedem vertuntur ; ibi in turba 
ictus Remus cecidit. Vulgatior fama est ludibrio 
fratris Remum novos transiluisse muros ; inde ab 
irato Romulo, cum verbis quoque increpitans adie- 
cisset " sic deinde, quicumque alius transiliet moenia 

3 mea," interfectum. Ita solus potitus imperio Romu- 
lus ; condita urbs conditoris nomine appellata. 

1 iis 5- : his Q. 

1 A form of the legend preserved by Dion. Hal. i. 87, and 
Ovid, Fasti, iv. 843, names Celer, whom Romulus had put 
in charge of the rising wall, as the slayer of Remus. 


BOOK I. vi. 3-vn. 3 

The Alban state being thus made over to Numitor, 
Romulus and Remus were seized with the desire to 
found a city in the region where they had been ex- 
posed and brought up. And in fact the population 
of Albans and Latins was too large ; besides, there 
were the shepherds. All together, their numbers 
might easily lead men to hope that Alba would be 
small, and Lavinium small, compared with the city 
which they should build. These considerations were 
interrupted by the curse of their grandsires, the 
greed of kingly power, and by a shameful quarrel 
which grew out of it, upon an occasion innocent 
enough. Since the brothers were twins, and re- 
spect for their age could not determine between 
them, it was agreed that the gods who had those 
places in their protection should choose by augury 
who should give the new city its name, who should 
govern it when built. Romulus took the Palatine for 
his augural quarter, Remus the Aventine. VII. Remus B.C. 753 
is said to have been the first to receive an augury, 
from the flight of six vultures. The omen had 
been already reported when twice that number 
appeared to Romulus. Thereupon each was saluted 
king by his own followers, the one party laying claim 
to the honour from priority, the other from the 
number of the birds. They then engaged in a 
battle of words and, angry taunts leading to blood- 
shed, Remus was struck down in the affray. The 
commoner story is that Remus leaped over the new 
walls in mockery of his brother, whereupon Romulus 
in great anger slew him, and in menacing wise 
added these words withal, " So perish whoever else 
shall leap over my walls ! " l Thus Romulus acquired 
sole power, and the city, thus founded, was called 
by its founder's name. 

2 5 


Palatium primum, in quo ipse erat educatus, mu- 
niit. Sacra diis aliis Albano ritu, Graeco Herculi, ut 

4 ab Euandro instituta erant, facit. Herculem in ea 
loca Geryone interempto boves mira specie abegisse 
memorant ac prope Tiberim fluvium, qua prae se 
armentum agens nando traiecerat, loco herbido, ut 
quiete et pabulo laeto reficeret boves, et ipsum 

5 fessum via procubuisse. Ibi cum eum cibo vinoque 
gravatum sopor oppressisset, pastor accola eius loci, 
nomine Cacus, ferox viribus, captus pulchritudine 
bourn cum avertere earn praedam vellet, quia si 
agendo armentum in speluncam compulisset ipsa 
vestigia quaerentem dominum eo deductura erant, 
aversos boves, eximium quemque pulchritudine, 

6 caudis in speluncam traxit. Hercules ad primam 
auroram somno excitus cum gregem perlustrasset 
oculis et partem abesse numero sensisset, pergit ad 
proximam speluncam, si forte eo vestigia ferrent. 
Quae ubi omnia foras versa vidit nee in partem 
aliam ferre, confusus atque incertus animi ex loco 
infesto agere porro armentum occepit. Inde cum 

7 actae boves quaedam ad desiderium, ut fit, relictarum 
mugissent, reddita iiiclusarum ex spelunca bourn vox 
Herculem convertit. Quern cum vadentem ad spel- 


BOOK I. vn. 3-7 

His first act was to fortify the Palatine, on which B.C. 753 
he had himself been reared. To other gods he sacri- 
ficed after the Alban custom, but employed the Greek 
for Hercules, according to the institution of Evander. 
The story is as follows : Hercules, after slaying 
Geryones, was driving off his wondrously beautiful 
cattle, when, close to the river Tiber, where he had 
swum across it with the herd before him, he found a 
green spot, where he could let the cattle rest and 
refresh themselves with the abundant grass ; and 
being tired from his journey he lay down himself. 
When he had there fallen into a deep sleep, for he 
was heavy with food and wine, a shepherd by the 
name of Cacus, who dwelt hard by and was insolent 
by reason of his strength, was struck with the beauty 
of the animals, and wished to drive them off as plun- 
der. But if he had driven the herd into his cave, 
their tracks would have been enough to guide their 
owner to the place in his search ; he therefore chose 
out those of the cattle that were most remarkable 
for their beauty, and turning them the other way, 
dragged them into the cave by their tails. At day- 
break Hercules awoke. Glancing over the herd, and 
perceiving that a part of their number w r as lacking, 
he proceeded to the nearest cave, in case there might 
be foot-prints leading into it. When he saw that they 
were all turned outward and yet did not lead to any 
other place, he was confused and bewildered, and 
made ready to drive his herd away from that un- 
canny spot. As the cattle were being driven off, 
some of them lowed, as usually happens, missing those 
which had been left behind. They were answered 
with a low by the cattle shut up in the cave, and this 
made Hercules turn back. Wlien he came towards the 



A.U.C. 1 uncam Cacus vi prohibere conatus esset, ictus clava 
fidem pastorum nequiquam invocans morte occubuit. 

8 Euander turn ea profugus ex Peloponneso auctoritate 
magis quam imperio regebat loca, venerabilis vir 
miraculo litterarum, rei novae inter rudes artium 
homines, venerabilior divinitate credita Carmentae 
matris, quam fatiloquam ante Sibyllae in Italiam 

9 adventum miratae eae gentes fuerant. Is turn 
Euander concursu pastorum trepidantium circa ad- 
venam manifestae reurn caedis excitus postquam 
facinus facinorisque causam audivit, habitum for- 
mamque viri aliquantum ampliorem augustioremque 

10 Immana intuens, rogitat qui vir esset. Ubi nomen 
patremque ac patriam accepit, " love nate, Hercules, 
salve/' inquit; "te mihi mater, veridica interpres 
deum, aucturum caelestium numerum cecinit tibique 
aram hie dicatum iri quam opulentissima olim in 

11 terris gens maximam vocet tuoque ritu colat." Dex- 
tra Hercules data accipere se omen inpleturumque 

12 fata ara condita ac dicata ait. Ibi turn primum bove 
eximia capta de grege sacrum Herculi 1 adhibitis ad 
ministerium dapemque 1 Potitiis ac Pinariis, quae 
turn familiae maxime inclitae ea loca incolebant, 

1 Herculi . . . dapemque MP* : omitted by fl. 

1 Evander ia said to have invented the Roman alphabet. 

BOOK I. vn. 7-12 

cave, Cacus would have prevented his approach with B 
force, but received a blow from the hero's club, and 
calling in vain upon the shepherds to protect him, 
gave up the ghost. Evander, an exile from the Pelo- 
ponnese, controlled that region in those days, more 
through personal influence than sovereign power. 
He was a man revered for his wonderful invention of 
letters, 1 a new thing to men unacquainted with the 
arts, and even more revered because of the divinity 
which men attributed to his mother Carmenta, whom 
those tribes had admired as a prophetess before the 
Sibyl's coming into Italy. Now this Evander was 
then attracted by the concourse of shepherds, who, 
crowding excitedly about the stranger, were accusing 
him as a murderer caught red-handed. When he had 
been told about the deed and the reason for it, and 
had marked the bearing of the man and his figure, 
which was somewhat ampler and more august than 
a mortal's, he inquired who he was. Upon learning 
his name, his father, and his birth-place, he ex- 
claimed, " Hail, Hercules, son of Jupiter ! You 
are he, of whom my mother, truthful interpreter 
of Heaven, foretold to me that you should be 
added to the number of the gods, and that an altar 
should be dedicated to you here which the nation 
one day to be the most powerful on earth should 
call the Greatest Altar, and should serve according 
to your rite." Hercules gave him his hand, and 
declared that he accepted the omen, and would fulfil 
the prophecy by establishing and dedicating an altar. 
Then and there men took a choice victim from the 
herd, and for the first time made sacrifice to Her- 
cules. For the ministry and the banquet they em- 
ployed the Potitii and the Pinarii, being the families 

VOL. I. c 


A.U.C. i 13 facturn. Forte ita evenit, ut Potitii ad tempus praesto 
essent iisque exta apponerentur, Pinarii extis adesis 
ad ceteram venirent dapem. Inde iiistitutum man- 
sit, donee Pinarium genus fuit, ne extis eorum 

14 sollemnium l vescerentur. Potitii ab Euandro edocti 
antistites sacri ems per multas aetates fueruiit, donee 
tradito servis publicis sollemni familiae ministerio 

15 genus orane Potitiorum interiit. Haec turn sacra 
Romulus una ex omnibus peregrina suscepit, iam 
turn inmortalitatis virtute partae, 2 ad quam eum sua 
fata ducebant, fautor. 

VIII. Rebus divinis rite perpetratis vocataque ad 
concilium multitudine, quae coalescere in populi 
unius corpus nulla re praeterquam legibus poterat, 
iura dedit ; quae ita sancta generi hominum agresti 
fore ratus si se ipse venerabilem insignibus imperil 
fecisset cum cetero habitu se augustiorem, turn 
3 maxime lictoribus duodecim sumptis fecit. Alii ab 
numero avium quae augurio regnum portenderant 
eum secutum numerum putant : me baud paenitet 
eorum sententiae esse quibus et apparitores hoc- 
genus 3 ab Etruscis finitimis, unde sella curulis, unde 
toga praetexta sumpta est, et numerum 4 quoque 
ipsum ductum placet, et ita habuisse Etruscos, quod 

1 eorum sollemnium Walters : eo sollemnium (or the. like.) 
ft: sollemnium M: sollemnibus (or sol- orsolempn-)FPUOtt. 

2 partae E : parta H. 

8 hoc genus G'ronov.: et hoc genus H. 
4 et numerum Htnmann : numerum H. 

1 For the story of Cacus and the origin of the Ara Maxima 
see also Virgil, Aen. viii. 182-279 ; Prop. iv. 9; Ovid, Fasti, 
i. 543-586. 


BOOK I. vn. 12-vni. 3 

of most distinction then living in that region. It so B.C. 753 
fell out that the Potitii were there at the appointed 
time, and to them were served the inwards ; the 
Pinarii came after the inwards had been eaten, in 
season for the remainder of the feast. Thence came 
the custom, which persisted as long as the Pinarian 
family endured, that they should not partake of the 
inwards at that sacrifice. The Potitii, instructed by 
Evander, were priests of this cult for many genera- 
tions, until, having delegated to public slaves the 
solemn function of their family, the entire stock of the 
Potitii died out. This was the only sacred observance, 
of all those of foreign origin, which Romulus then 
adopted, honouring even then the immortality won 
by worth to which his own destiny was leading him. 1 
VIII. When Romulus had duly attended to the 
worship of the gods, he called the people together 
and gave them the rules of law, since nothing else 
but law could unite them into a single body politic. 
But these, he was persuaded, would only appear 
binding in the eyes of a rustic people in case he 
should invest his own person with majesty, by adopt- 
ing emblems of authority. He therefore put on a 
more august state in every way, and especially by 
the assumption of twelve lictors. 2 Some think the 
twelve birds which had given him an augury of king- 
ship led him to choose this number. For my part, 
I am content to share the opinion of those who 
derive from the neighbouring Etruscans (whence 
were borrowed the curule chair and purple-bordered 
toga) not only the type of attendants but their 
number as well a number which the Etruscans 
themselves are thought to have chosen because each 

1 The lictors carried axes in bundles of rods, in readiness 
to execute the king's sentence of scourging and decapitation. 



A.U.O. i ex duodecim populis communiter create rege sin- 

gulos singuli populi lictores dederint. 

4 Crescebat interim urbs munitionibus alia atque 

alia adpetendo loca, cum in spem magis futurae 

multitudinis quam ad id quod turn hominum erat 

6 munirent. Deinde, ne vana urbis magnitude esset, 

adiciendae multitudinis causa vetere coiisilio conden- 

tium urbes, qui obscuram atque humilem conciendo 

ad se multitudinem natam e terra sibi prolem emen- 

tiebantur, locum qui mine saeptus escendentibus 1 

6 inter duos lucos est, asylum aperit. Eo ex finitimis 
populis turba omnis, sine discrimine liber an servus 
esset, avida novarum rerum perfugit, idque primum 

7 ad coeptam magnitudinem roboris fuit. Cum iam 
virium haud paeniteret, consilium deinde viribus 
parat. Centum creat senatores, sive quia is numerus 
satis erat, sive quia soli centum erant qui creari 
patres possent. Patres certe ab honore, patriciique 
progenies eorum appellati. 

A.U.C. ix. Iam res Romana adeo erat valida ut cuilibet 

1~~ O t 

finitimarum civitatum bello par esset ; sed penuria 

mulierum hominis aetatem duratura magnitude erat, 

quippe quibus nee domi spes prolis nee cum finitimis 

2 eonubia essent. Turn ex consilio patrum Romulus 

legates circa vicinas gentes misit, qui societatem 

1 escendentibus Edwards : descendentibus n. 

1 i.e. the Capitoline. 

2 As being heads of clans, patres familiarum. 


BOOK I. vin. 3-ix. 2 

of the twelve cities which united to elect the king B .c. 753 
contributed one lictor. 

Meanwhile the City was expanding and reaching 
out its walls to include one place after another, for 
they built their defences with an eye rather to the 
population which they hoped one day to have than 
to the numbers they had then. Next, lest his big 
City should be empty, Romulus resorted to a plan 
for increasing the inhabitants which had long been 
employed by the founders of cities, who gather about 
them an obscure and lowly multitude and pretend 
that the earth has raised up sons to them. In the 
place which is now enclosed, between the two groves 
as you go up the hill/ he opened a sanctuary. Thither 
fled, from the surrounding peoples, a miscellaneous 
rabble, without distinction of bond or free, eager 
for new conditions ; and these constituted the first 
advance in power towards that greatness at which 
Romulus aimed. He had now no reason to be 
dissatisfied with his strength, and proceeded to add 
policy to strength. He appointed a hundred senators, 
whether because this number seemed to him suf- 
ficient, or because there were no more than a hundred 
who could be designated Fathers. 2 At all events, they 
received the designation of Fathers from their rank, 
and their descendants were called patricians. 

IX. Rome was now strong enough to hold her own B - c - 
in war with any of the adjacent states ; but owing to 
the want of women a single generation was likely 
to see the end of her greatness, since she had neither 
prospect of posterity at home nor the right of inter- 
marriage with her neighbours. So, on the advice of 
the senate, Romulus sent envoys round among all 
the neighbouring nations to solicit for the new people 



A.T.C. 3 conubiumque novo populo peterent : urbes quo- 


que. ut cetera, ex infimo nasci ; dein, quas 1 sua 
virtus ac di iuvent, magnas opes sibi magnumque 

4 nomen facere ; satis scire origini Romanae et 
decs adfuisse et non defuturam virtutem ; proinde 
ne gravarentur homines cum hominibus sanguinem 

5 ac genus miscere. Nusquam benigne legatio audita 
est : adeo simul spernebant, simul tantam in medio 
crescentem molem sibi ac posteris suis metuebant. 
A - plerisque rogitantibus dimissi, ecquod feminis 
quoque asylum aperuissent ; id enim demum con- 

6 par conubium fore. Aegre id Romana pubes passa, 
et baud dubie ad vim spectare res coepit. Cui 
tempus locumque aptum ut daret Romulus, aegri- 
tudinem animi dissimulans ludos ex industria 
parat Neptuno equestri sollemnis ; Consualia vocat. 

7 Indici deinde finitimis spectaculum iubet, quan- 
toque apparatu turn sciebant aut poterant, con- 
celebrant, ut rem claram exspectatamque facerent. 

8 Multi mortales convenere, studio etiam videndae 
novae urbis, maxime proximi quique, Caeninenses, 

9 Crustumini, Antemnates ; etiam 8 Sabinorum omnis 

1 quas Aldus : qua n a A 5- : ac Ci. 

3 etiam Scheibe : iam n. 

1 The Consualia was a harvest festival, held on August 21. 
Consus, the true name of the god, is from condert,, " to store 
up." From the association of the festival with horses came 


BOOK I. ix. 2-9 

an alliance and the privilege of intermarrying. B.C. 
Cities, they argued, as well as all other things, take 753 ~ 717 
their rise from the lowliest beginnings. As time 
goes on, those which are aided by their own worth 
and by the favour of Heaven achieve great power 
and renown. They said they were well assured 
that Rome's origin had been blessed with the favour 
of Heaven, and that worth would not be lacking ; 
their neighbours should not be reluctant to mingle 
their stock and their blood with the Romans, who 
were as truly men as they were. Nowhere did the 
embassy obtain a friendly hearing. In fact men 
spurned, at the same time that they feared, both for 
themselves and their descendants, that great power 
which was then growing up in their midst ; and the 
envoys were frequently asked, on being dismissed, if 
they had opened a sanctuary for women as well as 
for men, for in that way only would they obtain 
suitable wives. This was a bitter insult to the young 
Romans, and the matter seemed certain to end in 
violence. Expressly to afford a fitting time and place 
for this, Romulus, concealing his resentment, made 
ready solemn games in honour of the equestrian 
Neptune, which he called Consualia. 1 He then bade 
proclaim the spectacle to the surrounding peoples, 
and his subjects prepared to celebrate it with all the 
resources within their knowledge and power, that 
they might cause the occasion to be noised abroad and 
eagerly expected. Many people for they were also 
eager to see the new city gathered for the festival, 
especially those who lived nearest, the inhabitants of 
Caenina, Crustumium, and Antemnae. The Sabines, 

the later identification of the god with Neptunus Equester. 
See Fowler, Fest. pp. 206-9. 



A.U.C. multitude cum liberis ac coniugibus venit. Invitati 


hospitaliter per domos cum situm moeniaque et fre- 
quentem tectis urbem vidissent, mirantur tarn brevi 

10 rem Romanam crevisse. Ubi spectaculi tempus venit 
deditaeque eo mentes cum oculis erant, turn ex com- 
posite orta vis, signoque dato iuventus Romana ad 

11 rapiendas virgines discurrit. Magna pars forte, in 
quern quaeque inciderat, raptae : quasdam forma ex- 
cellentes primoribus patrum destinatas ex plebe 
homines, quibus datum negotium erat, domos defere- 

12 bant: unam longe ante alias specie ac pulchritudine 
insignem a globo Thalassii cuiusdam raptam ferunt, 
multisque sciscitantibus cuinam earn ferrent, identi- 
dem, ne quis violaret, Thalassio ferri clamitatum ; 

13 inde nuptial em hanc vocem factam. Turbato per 
metum ludicro maesti parentes virginum profugiunt, 
incusantes violati hospitii scelus 1 deumque invo- 
cantes, cuius ad sollemne ludosque per fas ac fidem 

U decepti venissent. Nee raptis aut spes de se melior 
aut indignatio est minor. Sed ipse Romulus circumi- 
bat docebatque patrum id superbia factum, qui conu- 
bium finitimis negassent ; illas tamen in matrimonio, 
in societate fortunarum omnium civitatisque, et quo 

15 nihil carius humano generi sit, liberum fore; molli- 

1 scelus Grunaver : foedus fi. 

1 Plutarch, Rom. 15, also gives the story, and observes 
that the Romans used " Talasius " as the Greeks did 
" Hymenaeus." See also Catullus, Ixi. 134. 


BOOK I. ix. 9-15 

too, came with all their people, including their B.C. 
children and wives. They were hospitably enter- 753 ~ 71 ' 
tained in every house, and when they had looked 
at the site of the City, its walls, and its numerous 
buildings, they marvelled that Rome had so rapidly 
grown great. When the time came for the show, 
and people's thoughts and eyes were busy with it, 
the preconcerted attack began. At a given signal 
the young Romans darted this way and that, to seize 
and carry off the maidens. In most cases these were 
taken by the men in whose path they chanced to be. 
Some, of exceptional beauty, had been marked out 
for the chief senators, and were carried off to their 
houses by plebeians to whom the office had been 
entrusted. One, who far excelled the rest in mien 
and loveliness, was seized, the story relates, by the 
gang of a certain Thalassius. Being repeatedly asked 
for whom they were bearing her off, they kept shout- 
ing that no one should touch her, for they were 
taking her to Thalassius, and this was the origin of 
the wedding-cry. 1 The sports broke up in a panic, 
and the parents of the maidens fled sorrowing. They 
charged the Romans with the crime of violating 
hospitality, and invoked the gods to whose solemn 
games they had come, deceived in violation of re- 
ligion and honour. The stolen maidens were no 
more hopeful of their plight, nor less indignant. But 
Romulus himself went amongst them and explained 
that the pride of their parents had caused this deed, 
when they had refused their neighbours the right 
to intermarry ; nevertheless the daughters should be 
wedded and become co-partners in all the posses- 
sions of the Romans, in their citizenship and, dearest 
privilege of all to the human race, in their children ; 



A.U.C. rent modo iras et, quibus fors corpora dedisset, 1 


darent animos. Saepe ex iniuria postmodum gratiam 
ortam, eoque melioribus usuras viris, quod adnisurus 
pro se quisque sit ut, cum suam vicem functus officio 
sit, parentium etiam patriaeque expleat desiderium. 
16 Accedebant blanditiae virorum factum purgantium 
cupiditate atque amore, quae maxime ad muliebre 
ingenium efficaces preces sunt. 

X. lam admodum mitigati animi raptis erant ; at 
raptarum parentes turn maxime sordida veste lacri- 
misque et querellis civitates concitabant. Nee domi 
tantum indignationes continebant, sed congregaban- 
tur undique ad T. Tatium regem Sabinorum, et lega- 
tiones eo, quod maximum Tatii nomen in iis regioni- 

2 bus erat, conveniebant. Caeninenses Crustuminique 
et Antemnates erant ad quos eius iniuriae pars perti- 
nebat. Lente agere his Tatius Sabinique visi sunt : 
ipsi inter se tres populi communiter bellum parant. 

3 Ne Crustumini quidem atque Antemnates pro ardore 
iraque Caeninensium satis se impigre moveiit ; ita 
per se ipsum nomen Caeninum in agrum Romanum 

4 impetum facit. Sed effuse vastantibus fit obvius cum 
exercitu Romulus levique certamine docet vanam 
sine viribus iram esse. Exercitum fundit fugatque, 
fusum persequitur : regem in proelio obtruncat et 

1 dedisset UOD a : dedissent ft. 

BOOK I. ix. i5-x. 4 

only let them moderate their anger, and give their ^ B.C. 
hearts to those to whom fortune had given their 
persons. A sense of injury had often given place to 
affection, and they would find their husbands the 
kinder for this reason, that every man would earnestly 
endeavour not only to be a good husband, but also 
to console his wife for the home and parents she had 
lost. His arguments were seconded by the wooing 
of the men, who excused their act on the score of 
passion and love, the most moving of all pleas to 
a woman's heart. 

X. The resentment of the brides was already 
much diminished at the very moment when their 
parents, in mourning garb and with tears and la- 
mentations, were attempting to arouse their states 
to action. Nor did they confine their complaints 
to their home towns, but thronged from every side 
to the house of Titus Tatius, king of the Sabines ; 
and thither, too, came official embassies, for the name 
of Tatius was the greatest in all that country. The 
men of Caenina, Crustumium, and Antemnae, were 
those who had had a share in the wrong. It seemed 
to them that Tatius and the Sabines were procras- 
tinating, and without waiting for them these three 
tribes arranged for a joint campaign. But even the 
Crustuminians and Antemnates moved too slowly 
to satisfy the burning anger of the Caeninenses, and 
accordingly that nation invaded alone the Roman 
territory. But while they were dispersed and engaged 
in pillage, Romulus appeared with his troops and 
taught them, by an easy victory, how ineffectual is 
anger without strength. Their army he broke and 
routed, and pursued it as it fled ; their king he killed 



A.U.C. spoliat ; duce hostium occiso urbeni primo impetu 


5 capit. Inde exercitu victore reducto, ipse, cum factis 
vir magnificus turn factor um cstentator haud minor, 
spolia duels hostium caesi suspensa fabricate ad id 
apte ferculo gerens in Capitolium escendit ibique ea 
cum ad quercum pastoribus sacram deposuisset, simul 
cum dono designavit templo lovis finis cognomenque 

6 addidit deo. " luppiter Feretri " inquit, " haec tibi 
victor Romulus rex regia arma fero, tempi unique his 
regionibus quas modo animo metatus sum dedico 
sedem opimis spoliis, quae regibus ducibusque hos- 
tium caesis me auctorem sequentes postcrt ferent." 

7 Haec templi est origo quod primum omnium Romae 
sacratum est. Ita deinde diis visum, nee inritam 
conditoris templi vocem esse qua laturos eo spolia 
posteros nuncupavit, nee multitudine conpotum eius 
doni volgari laudem. Bina postea inter tot annos, 
tot bella, opima parta sunt spolia ; adeo rara eius 
fortuna decoris fuit. 

XI. Dum ea ibi Romani gerunt, Antemnatium 
exereitus per occasionem ac solitudinem hostiliter 
in fines Romanos incursionem faeit. Raptim et ad 

1 Jupiter Feretrius (etymology unknown) was the pure 
Italian Jupiter, whose worship was later overshadowed by 
the Etruscan god of the great temple on the Capitol. See 
Fowler, Fest. p. 229. 

2 The other instances were the victories of Cossus over 
Tolumnius, king of Veii (iv. 20), and of Marcellus over 


BOOK I. x. 4-xi. i 

in battle and despoiled ; their city, once their leader B.C. 
was slain, he captured at the first assault. He then 
led his victorious army back, and being not more 
splendid in his deeds than willing to display them, 
he arranged the spoils of the enemy's dead com- 
mander upon a frame, suitably fashioned for the pur- 
pose, and, carrying it himself, mounted the Capitol. 
Having there deposited his burden, by an oak which 
the shepherds held sacred, at the same time as he 
made his offering he marked out the limits of a 
temple to Jupiter, and bestowed a title upon him. 
"Jupiter Feretrius," he said, "to thee I, victorious 
Romulus, myself a king, bring the panoply of a king, 
and dedicate a sacred precinct within the bounds 
which I have even now marked off in my mind, to be 
a seat for the spoils of honour which men shall bear 
hither in time to come, following my example, when 
they have slain kings and commanders of the enemy." 
This was the origin of the first temple that was con- 
secrated in Rome. 1 It pleased Heaven, in the sequel, 
that while the founder's words should not be in vain, 
when he declared that men should bring spoils thither 
in the after time, yet the glory of that gift should 
not be staled by a multitude of partakers. Twice 
only since then, in all these years with their many 
wars, have the spoils of honour been won ; so rarely 
have men had the good fortune to attain to that 
distinction. 2 

XI. While the Romans were thus occupied in the 
City, the army of the Antemnates seized the oppor- 
tunity afforded by their absence, and made an inroad 
upon their territory ; but so swiftly was the Roman 

Virdomarus, king of the Insubrian Gauls. Propertius tells 
the three stories in iv. 10. 




, .o ducta palatos in agris oppressit. 
hos Romana legr 

rt r, . . .. . ) impetu et clamore hostes ; oppi- 

2 busi igitur prime 

i j plicique victoria ovantem Romulum 

dum captum ; duf 

tr -i- precibus raptarum fatigata orat ut 

Hersiha comunx t 

.., det veniam et in civitatem acci- 

parentibus earum 

.. alescere concordia posse. Facile 

piat ; ita rem co 

T de contra Crustuminos profectus 

3 impetratum. ln> 

, . f. $. Ibi minus etiam. quod alienis 

bellum mrerente! 

, ,., .j nt animi. certaminis fuit. Utroque 

4 cladibus ceciderai 

, . . plures inventi qui propter uber- 

colomae missae ; l 

Crustuminum nomina darent. Et 
tatem terrae in 

. 3 /. juenter migratum est, a parentibus 
Romam inde irec 1 

. .quis raptarum. 
maxime ac propin * 

XT . . p Sabinis bellum ortum. multoque 

5 Novissimum aT 

f .. ; nihil enim per iram aut cupidi- 
id maximum fuit 

nee ostenderunt bellum prius quam 
tatem actum est, 

-, silio etiam additus dolus. Sp. Tar- 

6 mtulerunt. Con 

raeerat arci. Huius filiam virffinem 
peius Romanae p ( 

.. rr'atius ut armatos in arcem accipiat ; 
auro corrumpit 1 

c turn sacris extra moenia petitum 

aquam forte ea 

A .. Dbrutam armis necavere. seu ut vi 

7 lerat. Accepti < 

c videretur. seu prodendi exempli 
capta potius ar? l 

.j ;quam ndum proditori esset. Addi- 

8 causa, ne quid uf ^ 

,. , , , j. vulgo Sabini aureas armillas 
tur tabula/ quoa 

Glareanus : fabulae (or -le) fl. 
1 fabula 

,ie had to draw water from the spring of 
1 As a vestal, si 

the Camenae. 

BOOK I. xi. 1-8 

levy led against them that they, too, were taken off B.C. 
their guard while scattered about in the fields. They 763 - 717 
were therefore routed at the first charge and shout, 
and their town was taken. As Romulus was exulting 
in his double victory, his wife Hersilia, beset with 
entreaties by the captive women, begged him to for- 
give their parents and receive them into the state ; 
which would, in that case, gain in strength by har- 
mony. He readily granted her request. He then 
set out to meet the Crustuminians, who were marching 
to attack him. They offered even less resistance than 
their allies had done, for their ardour had been 
quenched by the defeats of the others. Colonies 
were sent out to both places, though most of the 
colonists preferred to enrol for Crustumium on ac- 
count of the fertility of its soil. On the other 
hand, many persons left Crustumium and came to 
live in Rome, chiefly parents and kinsmen of the 
captured women. 

The last to attack Rome were the Sabines, and 
this war was by far the gravest of all, for passion 
and greed were not their motives, nor did they 
parade war before they made it. To their prudence 
they even added deception. Spurius Tarpeius com- 
manded the Roman citadel. This man's maiden 
daughter was bribed with gold by Tatius to admit 
armed men into the fortress : she happened at that 
time to have gone outside the walls to fetch water 
for a sacrifice. 1 Once within, they threw their 
shields upon her and killed her so, whether to make 
it appear that the citadel had been taken by assault, 
or to set an example, that no one might anywhere 
keep faith with a traitor. There is also a legend 
that because most of the Sabines wore heavy golden 



A.U.C. ponderis bracchio laevo gemmatosque magna specie 
anulos habuerintj pepigisse earn quod in sinistris 
manibus haberent ; eo scuta illi pro aureis donis con- 
9 gesta. Sunt qui earn ex pacto tradendi quod in 
sinistris manibus esset derecto arma petisse dicant. 
et fraude visam agere, sua ipsam peremptam mer- 

XII. Tenuere tamen arcem Sabini, atque inde 
postero die, cum Romanus exercitus instructus quod 
inter Palatinum Capitolinumque collem campi est 
complesset, non prius descenderunt in aequum quam 
ira et cupiditate reciperandae arcis stimulante ani- 

2 mos in adversum Roman! subiere. Principes utrim- 
que pugnam ciebant ab Sabinis Mettius Curtius, ab 
Romanis Hostius Hostilius. Hie rem Romanam 
iniquo loco ad prima signa animo atque audacia 

3 sustinebat. Ut Hostius cecidit, confestim Romana 
inclinatur acies fusaque est ad veterem portain 
Palatii. Romulus et ipse turba fugientium actus 

4 arma ad caelum tollens, " Itippiter, tuis " inquit, 
" iussus avibus hie in Palatio prima urbi fundamenta 
ieci. Arcem iam scelere emptam Sabini habent ; 

5 inde hue armati superata media valle tendunt ; at 
tu, pater deum hominumque, hinc saltern arce hostess 
deme terrorem Romanis fugamque foedam siste ! 

G Hie ego tibi templum Statori lovi, quod monumen- 

1 According to Dion. Hal. ii. 38, this was the version given 
by L. Calpurnius Piso. Propertius wrote the best of his 
aetiological poems (iv. 5) about Tarpeia. 


BOOK I. xi. 8-xn. 6 

bracelets on their left arms and magnificent jewelled B.C. 
rings, she had stipulated for what they had on their 753 ~ 717 
left arms, and that they had therefore heaped their 
shields upon her, instead of gifts of gold. Some say 
that, in virtue of the compact that they should give 
her what they wore on their arms, she flatly de- 
manded their shields and, her treachery being per- 
ceived, forfeited her life to the bargain she herself 
had struck. 1 

XII. Be that as it may, the Sabines held the 
citadel. Next day the Roman army was drawn up, 
and covered the ground between the Palatine Hill 
and the Capitoline, but the Sabines would not come 
down till rage and eagerness to regain the citadel 
had goaded their enemy into marching up the slope 
against them. Two champions led the fighting, the 
Sabine Mettius Curtius on the one side, and the 
Roman Hostius Hostilius on the other. Hostius 
held the Romans firm, despite their disadvantage of 
position, by the reckless courage he displayed in the 
thick of the fray. But when he fell, the Roman 
line gave way at once and fled towards the old gate 
of the Palatine. Romulus himself was swept along 
in the crowd of the fugitives, till lifting his sword 
and shield to heaven, he cried, "O Jupiter, it was 
thy omen that directed me when I laid here on 
the Palatine the first foundations of my City. The 
fortress is already bought by a crime and in the pos- 
session of the Sabines, whence they are come, sword 
in hand, across the valley to seek us here. But do 
thou, father of gods and men, keep them back from 
this spot at least; deliver the Romans from their 
terror, and stay their shameful flight ! I here vow 
to thee, Jupiter the Stayer, a temple, to be a 



t.u.c. turn sit posteris tua praesenti ope servatam urbem 

7 esse, voveo." Haec precatus, veluti 1 sensisset au- 
ditas preces, " Hiric " inquit, " Romani, luppiter 
optimus maximus resistere atque iterare pugnam 
iubet." Restitere Roman! tamquam caelesti voce 

8 iussi : ipse ad primores Romulus provolat. Mettius 
Curtius ab Sabinis princeps ab arce decucurrerat et 
effusos egerat Romanes, toto quantum foro spatium 
est. Nee procul iam a porta Palati erat clamitans, 
" Vicimus perfidos hospites, imbelles hostes ; iam sciunt 
longe aliud esse virgines rapere, aliud pugnare cum 

9 viris." In eum haec gloriantem cum globo ferocissi- 
morum iuvenum Romulus impetum facit. Ex equo 
turn forte Mettius pugnabat ; eo pelli facilius fuit. 
Pulsum Roman! persequuntur ; et alia Romana acies 

10 audacia regis accensa fundit Sabinos. Mettius in 
paludem sese strepitu sequentium trepidante equo 
coniecit ; averteratque ea res etiam Sabinos tanti 
periculo viri. Et ille quidem adnuentibus ac vocan- 
tibus suis favore multorum addito animo evadit: 
Romani Sabinique in media convalle duorum mon- 
tium redintegrant proelium. Sed res Romana erat 

XIII. Turn Sabinae mulieres, quartim ex iniuria 
bellum ortum erat, crinibus passis scissaque veste 

1 ueluti BR : uelutis M 1 Pi : uelut si J/V : ueluti si n. 

BOOK I. xn. 6-xni. i 
memorial to our descendants how the City was saved B.C. 

TE O >-1 ? 

by thy present help." Having uttered this prayer 
he exclaimed, as if he had perceived that it was 
heard, " Here, Romans, Jupiter Optimus Maximus 
commands us to stand and renew the fight!" The 
Romans did stand, as though directed by a voice 
from Heaven, Romulus himself rushing into the 
forefront of the battle. Mettius Curtius, on the 
Sabine side, had led the charge down from the 
citadel, and driven the Romans in disorder over 
all that ground which the Forum occupies. He was 
not now far from the gate of the Palatine, shouting, 
" We have beaten our faithless hosts, our cowardly 
enemies ! They know now how great is the differ- 
ence between carrying off maidens and fighting with 
men ! ' While he pronounced this boast a band of 
gallant youths, led on by Romulus, assailed him. It 
chanced that Mettius was fighting on horseback at 
the time, and was therefore the more easily put to 
flight. As he fled, the Romans followed ; and the 
rest of their army, too, fired by the reckless daring of 
their king, drove the Sabines before them. Mettius 
plunged into a swamp, his horse becoming unman- 
ageable in the din of the pursuit, and even the 
Sabines were drawn off from the general engage- 
ment by the danger to so great a man. As for 
Mettius, heartened by the gestures and shouts of 
his followers and the encouragement of the throng, 
he made his escape ; and the Romans and the Sabines 
renewed their battle in the valley that lies between 
the two hills. But the advantage rested with the 

XIII. Then the Sabine women, whose wrong had 
given rise to the war, with loosened hair and torn 



A.U.C. victo malis muliebri pavore, ausae se inter tela vo- 
lantia inferre, ex transverse impetu facto dirimere 

2 infestas acies, dirimere iras, hinc patres hinc viros 
orantes ne se sanguine nefando soceri generique 
respergerent, ne parricidio macularent partus suos, 

3 nepotum illi, hi liberum progeniem. " Si adfinitatis 
inter vos, si conubii piget, in nos vertite iras ; nos 
causa belli, nos volnerum ac caedium viris ac paren- 
tibus sumus ; melius peribimus quam sine alteris ves- 

4 trum viduae aut orbae vivemus." Movet 1 res cum 
multitudinem turn duces ; silentium et repentina fit 
quies ; inde ad foedus faciendum duces prodeunt ; 
nee pacem modo, sed civitatem unam ex duabus 

5 faciunt. Regnum consociant : imperium omiie con- 
ferunt Romam. Ita geminata urbe, ut Sabinis tamen 
aliquid daretur, Quirites a Curibus appellati. Monu- 
mentum eius pugnae, ubi primum ex profunda emer- 
sus palude equus Curtium in vado statuit, Curtium 
lacum appellarunt. 

6 Ex bello tarn tristi laeta repente pax cariores 
Sabinas viris ac parentibus et ante omnes Romulo 

1 mouet J/V : mouit F : in cues L : mouent il. 

1 Quirites probably comes not from Cures, nor (as Varro 
thought) from the Sabine word guiris (curis), "spear," but 
from curia (cf. next section) ; it would then mean " wards- 


2 For another explanation of the name see vii. 6. Varro, 
L. L. v. 14 ff., assigns this version of the story to Piso, 
the other to Prociliua, adding a third, on the authority 
of Cornelius and Lutatius, to the effect that the Lacua 


BOOK I. xin. 1-6 

garments, their woman's timidity lost in a sense of B.C. 
their misfortune, dared to go amongst the flying 753 ~ 717 
missiles, and rushing in from the side, to part the 
hostile forces and disarm them of their anger, be- 
seeching their fathers on this side, on that their 
husbands, that fathers-in-law and sons-in-law should 
not stain themselves with impious bloodshed, nor pol- 
lute with parricide the suppliants' children, grandsons 
to one party and sons to the other. " If you regret," 
they continued, "the relationship that unites you, 
if you regret the marriage-tie, turn your anger 
against us ; we are the cause of war, the cause of 
wounds, and even death to both our husbands and our 
parents. It will be better for us to perish than to 
live, lacking either of you, as widows or as orphans." 
It was a touching plea, not only to the rank and file, 
but to their leaders as well. A stillness fell on 
them, and a sudden hush. Then the leaders came 
forward to make a truce, and not only did they agree 
on peace, but they made one people out of the two. 
They shared the sovereignty, but all authority was 
transferred to Rome. In this way the population 
was doubled, and that some concession might after 
all be granted the Sabines, the citizens were named 
Quirites, from the town of Cures. 1 As a reminder 
of this battle they gave the name of Curtian Lake 
to the pool where the horse of Curtius first emerged 
from the deep swamp and brought his rider to 
safety. 2 

The sudden exchange of so unhappy a war for a 
joyful peace endeared the Sabine women even more 
to their husbands and parents, and above all to 

Curtius was a place which had been struck by lightning in 
the consulship of a Curtius. 



A.U.C. ipsi fecit. Itaque cum populum in curias triginta 

7 divideret, nomina earum curiis inposuit. Id non 
traditur, cum baud dubie aliquanto numerus maior 
hoc mulierum fuerit, aetate an dignitatibus suis 
virorumve an sorte lectae sint quae nomina curiis 

8 darent. Eodem tempore et centuriae tres equitum 
conscriptae sunt. Ramnenses ab Roniulo, ab T. 
Tatio Titienses appellati, Lucerum nominis et origi- 
nis causa incerta est. Inde non modo commune, sed 
concors etiam regnum duobus regibus fuit. 

XIV. Post aliquot annos propinqui regis Tatii 
legatos Laurentium pulsant, cumque Laurentes iure 
gentium agerent, apud Tatium gratia suorum et 

2 preces plus poterant. Igitur illorum poenam in se 
vertit ; nam Lavinii, cum ad sollemne sacrificium eo 

3 venisset, concursu facto interficitur. Earn rem minus 
aegre quam dignum erat tulisse Romulum ferunt, 
seu ob infidam societatem regni, seu quia baud 
iniuria caesum credebat. Itaque bello quidem absti- 
nuit ; ut tamen expiarentur legatorum iniuriae regis- 
que caedes, foedus inter Romam Laviniumque urbes 
renovatum est. 

4 Et cum his quidem insperata pax erat : aliud multo 
propius atque in ipsis prope portis bellum ortum. 
Fidenates nimis vicinas prope se convalescere opes 

1 The curia was a political unit the members of which had 
certain religious rites in common. 

2 All three names are obscure, but it is not improbable 
that they represent a Roman, a Sabine, and an Etruscan 
element in the population. 


BOOK I. xin. 6-xiv. 4 
Romulus himself. And so. when he divided the B - c - 


people into thirty curiae, he named these wards after 
the women. 1 Undoubtedly the number of the women 
was somewhat greater than this, but tradition does 
not tell whether it was their age, their own or their 
husbands' rank, or the casting of lots, that deter- 
mined which of them should give their names to 
the wards. At the same time there were formed 
three centuries of knights : the Ramnenses were 
named after Romulus ; the Titienses after Titus 
Tatius ; the name and origin of the Luceres are 
alike obscure. 2 From this time forth the two kings 
ruled not only jointly but in harmony. _ 

XIV. Some years later the kinsmen of King Tatius 
maltreated the envoys of the Laurentians, and when 
their fellow-citizens sought redress under the law of 
nations, Titus yielded to his partiality for his rela- 
tions and to their entreaties. In consequence of 
this he drew down their punishment upon himself, 
for at Lavinium, whither he had gone to the annual 
sacrifice, a mob came together and killed him. This 
act is said to have awakened less resentment than 
was proper in Romulus, whether owing to the dis- 
loyalty that attends a divided rule, or because he 
thought Tatius had been not unjustly slain. He 
therefore declined to go to war ; but yet, in order 
that he might atone for the insults to the envoys 
and the murder of the king, he caused the covenant 
between Rome and Lavinium to be renewed. 

Thus with the Laurentians peace was preserved 
against all expectation ; but another war broke out, 
much nearer, and indeed almost at the city gates. 
The men of Fidenae, perceiving the growth of a 
power which they thought too near themselves for 



A.U.C. rati, priusquam tantuni roboris esset quantum futu- 
rum apparebat, occupant bellum facere. luventute 
armata immissa vastatur agri quod inter urbem ac 

5 Fidenas est. Inde ad laevam versi, quia dextra 
Tiberis arcebat, cum magna trepidatione agrestium 
populantur ; tumultusque repens ex agris in urbem 

6 inlatus pro nuntio fuit. Excitus Romulus neque 
enim dilationem pati tarn vicinum bellum poterat 
exercitum educit, castra a Fidenis mille passuum 

7 locat. Ibi modico praesidio relicto egressus omnibus 
copiis partem militum locis circa densa virgulta * 
obscuris subsidere in insidiis iussit ; cum parte maiore 
atque omni equitatu profectus, id quod quaerebat, 
tumultuoso et minaci genere pugnae, adequitando 
ipsis prope portis hostem excivit. Fugae quoque, 
quae simulanda erat, eadem equestris pugna causam 

8 minus mirabilem dedit. Et cum, velut inter pugnae 
fugaeque consilium trepidante equitatu, pedes quoque 
referret gradum, plenis repente portis effusi hostes 
impulsa Romana acie studio instandi sequendique 

9 trahuntur ad locum insidiarum. Inde subito exorti 
Romani transversam invadunt hostium aciem ; addunt 
pavorem mota e castris signa eorum qui in praesidio 
relicti fuerant ; ita multiplici terrore perculsi Fide- 
nates prius paene quam Romulus quique avehi cum 
eo visi erant 2 circumagerent frenis equos, terga ver- 

1 densa uirgulta H. J. Mueller : obsita uirgulta Conway : 
densa obsita uirgulta fl. 

2 quique auehi cum eo uisi erant Walters : quique cum eo 
uisi erant (quisierant P : equis ierant P*FB) UOEHPFB : 
quique cum eo quique cum equis abierant usi (uisi DL] 
MDL : quique cum eo equites erant 


BOOK I. xiv. 4-9 

safety, did not wait till its promised strength should 76 B ,f; 17 
be realized, but began war themselves. Arming the 
young men, they sent them to ravage the land be- 
tween the City and Fidenae. Thence they turned 
to the left for the Tiber stopped them on the right 
and by their devastations struck terror into the 
farmers, whose sudden stampede from the fields into 
the City brought the first tidings of war. Romulus 
led forth his army on the instant, for delay was im- 
possible with the enemy so near, and pitched his 
camp a mile from Fidenae. Leaving there a small 
guard, he marched out with all his forces. A part 
of his men he ordered to lie in ambush, on this side 
and on that, where thick underbrush afforded cover ; 
advancing with the greater part of the infantry and 
all the cavalry, and delivering a disorderly and pro- 
voking attack, in which the horsemen galloped al- 
most up to the gates, he accomplished his purpose 
of drawing out the enemy. For the flight, too, which 
had next to be feigned, the cavalry engagement 
afforded a favourable pretext. And when not only 
the cavalry began to waver, as if undecided whether 
to fight or run, but the infantry also fell back, the 
city gates were quickly thronged by the enemy, who 
poured out and hurled themselves against the Roman 
line, and in the ardour of attack and pursuit were 
drawn on to the place of ambuscade. There the 
Romans suddenly sprang out and assailed the enemy's 
flanks, while, to add to their terror, the standards of 
the detachment which had been left on guard were 
seen advancing from the camp ; thus threatened by 
so many dangers the men of Fidenae scarcely af- 
forded time for Romulus and those whom they had 
seen riding off with him to wheel about, before they 



A.P.C 10 tunt; multoque effusius, qtiippe vera fuga, qui simu- 


lantes paulo ante secuti erant, oppidum repetebant. 
11 Non tamen eripuere se hosti : haerens in tergo Ro- 
manus, priusquam fores portarum obicerentur, velut 
agmine uno inrumpit. 

XV. Belli Fidenatis contagione inritati Veientium 
animi et consanguinitate nam Fidenates quoque 
Etrusci fuertmt et quod ipsa propinquitas loci, si 
Romana arma omnibus infesta finitimis essent, stimu- 
labat. In fines Romanos excucurrerunt populabundi 

2 magis quam iusti more belli. Itaque non castris 
positis, non exspectato hostium exercitu raptam ex 
agris praedam portantes Veios rediere. Romanus 
contra, postquam hostem in agris non invenit, dimi- 
cationi ultimae instructus intentusque Tiberim tran- 

3 sit. Quern postquam castra ponere et ad urbem 
accessurum Veientes audivere, obviam egressi, ut 
potius acie decernerent quam inclusi de tectis moeni- 

4 busque dimicarent. Ibi viribus nulla arte l adiutis 
tantum veterani robore exercitus rex Romanus vicit, 
persecutusque fusos ad moenia hostes urbe valida 
muris ac situ ipso munita abstinuit: agros rediens 

1 arte F*f Petrus Nannius : parte fl. 

BOOK I. xiv. 9-xv. 4 

broke and ran, and in far greater disorder than that B.C. 
of the pretended fugitives whom they had just been " r53 ~ 717 
chasing for the flight was a real one this time 
sought to regain the town. But the Fidenates did 
not escape their foes ; the Romans followed close 
upon their heels, and before the gates could be shut 
burst into the city, as though they both formed but 
a single army. 

XV. From Fidenae the war-spirit, by a kind of 
contagion, spread to the Veientes, whose hostility 
was aroused by their kinship with the Fidenates, 
Etruscans like themselves, and was intensified by the 
danger which lay in their very proximity to Rome, 
if her arms should be directed against all her neigh- 
bours. They made an incursion into Roman territory 
which more resembled a marauding expedition than 
a regular campaign ; and so, without having en- 
trenched a camp or waited for the enemy's army, 
they carried off their booty from the fields and 
brought it back to Veii. The Romans, on the con- 
trary, not finding their enemy in the fields, crossed 
the Tiber, ready and eager for a decisive struggle. 
When the Veientes heard that they were making a 
camp, and would be advancing against their city, 
they went out to meet them, preferring to settle 
the quarrel in the field of battle rather than to be 
shut up and compelled to fight for their homes and 
their town. Without employing strategy to aid his 
forces, the Roman king won the battle by the sheer 
strength of his seasoned army, and routing his ene- 
mies, pursued them to their walls. But the city was 
strongly fortified, besides the protection afforded by 
its site, and he refrained from attacking it. Their 
fields, indeed, he laid waste as he returned, more in 



A.U.C. 6 vastat, ulciscendi magis quam praedae studio. Eaque 

1 n *T 

clade baud minus quam adversa pugna subacti Vei- 
entes pacem petitum oratores Romam mittunt. Agri 
parte multatis in centum annos indutiae datae. 

6 Haec ferme Romulo regnante domi militiaeque 
gesta, quorum nihil absonum fidei divinae originis 
divinitatisque post mortem creditae fuit, non animus 
in regno avito reciperando, non condendae urbis 

7 consilium, non bello ac pace firmandae. Ab illo 
enim profecto viribus datis tantum valuit ut in quad- 

8 raginta deinde annos tutam pacem baberet. Multi- 
tudini tamen gratior fuit quam patribus, longe ante 
alios acceptissimus militum animis ; trecentosque 
armatos ad custodiam corporis, quos Celeres appel- 
lavit, non in bello solum sed etiam in pace babuit. 

A.U.O. XVI. His inmortalibus editis operibus cum ad 

exercitum recensendum contionem in campo ad 
Caprae paludem haberet, subito coorta tempestas 
cum magno fragore tonitribusque tam denso regem 
operuit nimbo ut conspectum eius contioni abstu- 
2 lerit ; nee deinde in terris Romulus fuit. Romana 
pubes sedato tandem pavore, postquam ex tam tur- 
bido die serena et tranquilla lux rediit, ubi vacuam 
sedem regiam vidit, etsi satis credebat patribus, qui 

1 Literally, "the Swift." 

2 For the deification cf. Cic. de Rep. ii. 17 ; Dion. Hal. 
ii. 56 ; Plut. Rom. xxvii. Ovid also tells the story in Fasti, 
ii. 491 ff., and Met. xiv. 806 ff. 


BOOK I. xv. 4-xvi. 2 

revenge than from a desire for booty, and this disaster, B.C. 
following upon their defeat, induced the Veientes to 75i 
send envoys to Rome and sue for peace. They were 
deprived of a part of their land, and a truce was 
granted them for a hundred years. 

Such were the principal achievements of the reign 
of Romulus, at home and in the field, nor is any of 
them incompatible with the belief in his divine 
origin and the divinity which was ascribed to the 
king after his death, whether one considers his spirit 
in recovering the kingdom of his ancestors, or his 
wisdom in founding the City and in strengthening it 
by warlike and peaceful measures. For it was to 
him, assuredly, that Rome owed the vigour which 
enabled her to enjoy an untroubled peace for the 
next forty years. Nevertheless, he was more liked 
by the commons than by the senate, and was pre- 
eminently dear to the hearts of his soldiers. Of 
these he had three hundred for a bodyguard, to 
whom he gave the name of Celeres, 1 and kept them 
by him, not only in war, but also in time of peace. 

XVI. When these deathless deeds had been done, B.O. 716 
as the king was holding a muster in the Campus 
Martius, near the swamp of Capra, for the purpose 
of reviewing the army, suddenly a storm came up, 
with loud claps of thunder, and enveloped him in a 
cloud so thick as to hide him from the sight of the 
assembly ; and from that moment Romulus was no 
more on earth. 2 The Roman soldiers at length re- 
covered from their panic, when this hour of wild 
confusion had been succeeded by a sunny calm ; but 
when they saw that the royal seat was empty, al- 
though they readily believed the assertion of the 
senators, who had been standing next to Romulus, 



A.U.C. proximi steterant, sublimem raptum procella, tamen 
velut orbitatis metu icta maestum aliquamdiu silen- 

3 tium obtinuit. Deinde a paucis initio facto deum 
deo natum, regem parentemque urbis Romanae sal- 
vere universi Romulum iubent ; pacem precibus ex- 
poscunt, uti volens propitius suam semper sospitet 

4 progeniem. Fuisse credo turn quoque aliquos qui 
discerptum regem patrum manibus taciti arguerent ; 
manavit enim haec quoque sed perobscura fama ; 
illam alteram admiratio viri et pavor praesens nobili- 

5 tavit. Et consilio etiam unius hominis addita rei 
dicitur fides. Namque Proculus lulius, sollicita civi- 
tate desiderio regis et infensa patribus, gravis, ut 
traditur, quamvis magnae rei auctor, in contionem 

6 prodit. "Romulus" inquit, "Quirites, parens urbis 
huius, prima hodierna luce caelo repente delapsus se 
mihi obvium dedit. Cum perfusus horrore venera- 
bundus l adstitissem, petens precibus ut contra in- 

7 tueri fas esset, ' Abi, nuntia/ inquit ( Romanis 
caelestes ita velle ut mea Roma caput orbis ter- 
rarum sit ; proinde rem militarem colant, sciantque 
et ita posteris tradant nullas opes humanas armis 
Romanis resistere posse.' Haec," inquit, " locutus 

8 sublimis abiit." Mirum quantum illi viro nunti- 
anti haec fides fuerit, quamque desiderium Romuli 

1 uenerabundus M$- : uenerabunilusque fi. 

1 The Romans regularly prayed with the head cloaked. 

BOOK I. xvi. 2-8 

that he had been caught up on high in the blast, they B.O. 716 
nevertheless remained for some time sorrowful and 
silent, as if filled with the fear of orphanhood. Then, 
when a few men had taken the initiative, they all 
with one accord hailed Romulus as a god and a god's 
son, the King and Father of the Roman City, and 
with prayers besought his favour that he would 
graciously be pleased forever to protect his children. 
There were some, I believe, even then who secretly 
asserted that the king had been rent in pieces by 
the hands of the senators, for this rumour, too, got 
abroad, but in very obscure terms ; the other version 
obtained currency, owing to men's admiration for the 
hero and the intensity of their panic. And the 
shrewd device of one man is also said to have gained 
new credit for the story. This was Proculus Julius, 
who, when the people were distracted with the loss 
of their king and in no friendly mood towards the 
senate, being, as tradition tells, weighty in council, 
were the matter never so important, addressed the 
assembly as follows : " Quirites, the Father of this 
City, Romulus, descended suddenly from the sky at 
dawn this morning and appeared to me. Covered 
with confusion, I stood reverently before him, pray- 
ing that it might be vouchsafed me to look upon his 
face without sin. 1 'Go,' said he, 'and declare to 
the Romans the will of Heaven that my Rome shall 
be the capital of the world ; so let them cherish the 
art of war, and let them know and teach their 
children that no human strength can resist Roman 
arms.' So saying," he concluded, "Romulus de- 
parted on high." It is wonderful what credence 
the people placed in that man's tale, and how the 
grief for the loss of Romulus, which the plebeians 


.U.C. apud plebem exercitumque facta fide inmortalitatis 


lenitum sit. 

XVII. Patrum interim animos certamen regni ac 
cupido versabat. Necdum ad singulos, 1 quia nemo 
magnopere eminebat in novo populo, pervenerat : 

2 factionibus inter ordines certabatur. Oriundi ab 
Sabinis, ne, quia post Tati mortem ab sua parte non 
erat regnatum, in societate aequa possessionem im- 
perii amitterent, sui corporis creari regem volebant ; 
Romani veteres peregrinum regem aspernabantur. 

3 In variis voluntatibus regnari 2 tamen omnes volebant 

4 libertatis dulcedine nondum experta. Timor deinde 
patres incessit, ne civitatem sine imperio, exercitum 
sine duce multarum circa civitatium inritatis animis 
vis aliqua externa adoriretur. Et esse igitur aliquod 
caput placebat, et nemo alteri concedere in animum 

5 inducebat. Ita rem inter se centum patres, decem 
decuriis factis singulisque in singulas decurias creatis 
qui summae rerum praeessent, consociant. Decem 
imperitabant : unus cum insignibus imperii et lictori- 

6 bus erat ; quinque dierum spatio finiebatur imperium 
ac per omnes in orbem ibat ; annuumque intervallum 
regni fuit. Id ab re, quod nunc quoque tenet nomen, 

7 interregnum appellatum. Fremere deinde plebs 
multiplicatam servitutem, centum pro uno dominos 

1 ad singulos Qraevius : a singulis A. 

2 regnari $- : regnare fl. 


BOOK I. xvi. 8-xvn. 7 

and the army felt, was quieted by the assurance of B.C. 716 
his immortality. 

XVII. The senators meanwhile were engaged in a 
struggle for the coveted kingship. So far it had not 
come to a question of any one person, for nobody 
stood out with special prominence in the new nation ; 
instead, a strife of factions was waging between the 
two stocks. Those of Sabine origin, having had no 
king on their side since the death of Tatius, feared 
that despite their equal rights they might lose their 
hold upon the sovereign power, and hence desired 
that the king should be chosen from their own body. 
The original Romans spurned the idea of an alien 
king. Various, however, as were men's inclinations, 
to be ruled by a king was their universal wish, for 
they had not yet tasted the sweetness of liberty. 
Then the senators became alarmed, lest the state 
wanting a ruler and the army a leader, and many 
neighbouring states being disaffected, some violence 
might be offered from without. All therefore were 
agreed that there should be some head, but nobody 
could make up his mind to yield to his fellow. And 
so the hundred senators shared the power among 
themselves, establishing ten decuries and appointing 
one man for each decury to preside over the ad- 
ministration. Ten men exercised authority ; only 
one had its insignia and lictors. Five days was the 
period of his power, which passed in rotation to all ; 
and for a year the monarchy lapsed. This interval 
was called, as it was, an interregnum, a name which 
even yet obtains. Murmurs then arose among the 
plebs that their servitude had been multiplied ; that 
a hundred masters had been given them instead of 

VOL. i. D 


4.0.0. factos ; nee ultra nisi regem et ab ipsis creatum vide- 


8 bantur passuri. Cum sensissent ea moved patres, 
offerendum ultro rati quod amissuri erant, ita gratiam 
ineunt summa potestate populo permissa ut non 

9 plus darent iuris quam retinerent. 1 Decreverunt 
enim ut cum populus regem iussisset, id sic ratum 2 
esset, si patres auctores fierent. Hodie quoque in 
legibus magistratibusque rogandis usurpatur idem 3 
ius vi adempta ; priusquam populus suffragium ineat, 
in incertum comitiorum eventum patres auctores 

10 fiunt. Turn interrex contiorie advocata, "Quod bo- 
num, faustum felixque sit " inquit, " Quirites, regem 
create ; ita patribus visum est. Patres deinde, si 
dignum qui secundus ab Roinulo numeretur crearitis. 

11 auctores fient." Adeo id gratum plebi fuit ut, ne 
victi beneficio viderentur, id modo sciscerent iube- 
rentque, ut senatus decerneret qui Romae regnaret. 

XVI II. Inclita iustitia religioque ea tempestate 
Numae Pompili erat. Curibus Sabinis habitabat, 
consultissimus vir, ut in ilia quisquam esse aetate 
2 poterat, omnis divini atque humani iuris. Auctorem 
doctrinae eius, quia non exstat alius, falso Samium 
Pythagoram edunt, quern Servio Tullio regnante 
Romae_, centum amplius post annos, in ultima Italiae 

1 retinerent Gronov. : detinerent n. 

2 sic ratum F 3 D*^- : si (sic U) gratum fl. 
1 idem F 3 g- : id enim n. 


BOOK I. xvn. 7-xvin. 2 

one. No longer, it seemed, would they endure any- B.C. 716 
thing short of a king, and a king, too, of their own 
choosing. Perceiving that such ideas were in the 
wind, the senators thought it would be well to 
proffer spontaneously a thing which they were on 
the verge of losing, and obtained the favour of the 
people by granting them supreme power on such 
terms as to part with no greater prerogative than 
they retained. For they decreed that when the 
people should have named a king, their act should 
only be valid in case the senators ratified it. Even 
now, in voting for laws and magistrates, the same 
right is exercised, but is robbed of its significance ; 
before the people can begin to vote, and when the 
result of the election is undetermined, the Fathers 
ratify it. On the present occasion the interrex sum- 
moned the assembly and spoke as follows : " May 
prosperity, favour, and fortune attend our action ! 
Quirites, choose your king. Such is the pleasure of 
the Fathers, who, in their turn, if your choice fall 
upon one worthy to be called Romulus' successor, 
will confirm your election." This so pleased the 
plebs, that, unwilling to appear outdone in gener- 
osity, they merely resolved and ordered that the 
senate should decree who should be king in Rome. 
XVIII. A great reputation for justice and piety 
was enjoyed in those days by Numa Pompilius. 
Cures, a town of the Sabines, was his home, and 
he was deeply versed, so far as anyone could be in 
that age, in all law, divine and human. The teacher 
to whom he owed his learning was not, as men say, 
in default of another name, the Samian Pythagoras ; 
for it is well established that Servius Tullius was 
king at Rome, more than a hundred years after this 


A.U.C. ora circa Metapontum Heracleamque et Crotona 


iuvenum aemulantium studia coetus habuisse con- 

3 stat. Ex quibus locis, etsi eiusdem aetatis fuisset, 
quae fama in Sabinos ? Aut quo linguae commercio 
quemquam ad cupiditatem discendi excivisset ? Quo- 
ve praesidio unus per tot gentes dissonas sermone 

4 moribusque pervenisset ? Suopte igitur ingenio tem- 
peratum animum virtutibus fuisse opinor magis in- 
structumque non tarn peregrinis artibus qtiam dis- 
ciplina tetrica ac tristi veterum Sabinornm, quo 

5 genere nullum quondam incorruptius fuit. Audito 
nomine Numae patres Romani, quamquam inclinari 
opes ad Sabinos rege inde sumpto videbantur, tarn en 
neque se quisquam nee factionis suae alium nee 
denique patrum ant civium quemquam praeferre illi 
viro ausi ad unum omnes Numae Pompilio regnum 

6 deferendum decernunt. Accitus, sicut Romulus 
augurato urbe condenda regnum adeptus est, de se 
quoque deos consuli iussit. Inde ab augure, cui 
deinde honoris ergo publicum id perpetuumque 
sacerdotium fuit, deductus in arcem in lapide T ad 

7 meridiem versus consedit. Augur ad laevam eius 
capite velato sedem cepit, dextra manu baculum sine 
nodo aduncum tenens, quern lituum appellarunt. 

1 in lapide Kg- : in lapidem (or lapidem) n. 

1 It was about 530 B.C. when Pythagoras settled in Croton. 

BOOK I. xvin. 2-7 

time, when Pythagoras gathered about him, on the B.O. 716 
farthest coasts of Italy, in the neighbourhood of Me- 
tapontum, Heraclea, and Croton, young men eager 
to share his studies. 1 And from that country, even 
if he had been contemporary, how could his fame 
have reached the Sabines ? Again, in what common 
language could he have induced anyone to seek 
instruction of him? Or under whose protection 
could a solitary man have made his way through so 
many nations differing in speech and customs ? It 
was Numa's native disposition, then, as I incline to 
believe, that tempered his soul with noble qualities, 
and his training was not in foreign studies, but in 
the stern and austere discipline of the ancient Sa- 
bines, a race incorruptible as any race of the olden 
time. When Numa's name had been proposed, the 
Roman senators perceived that the Sabines would 
gain the ascendancy if a king were to be chosen 
from that nation ; yet nobody ventured to urge his 
own claims in preference to those of such a man, 
nor the claim of any other of his faction, nor those, 
in short, of any of the senators or citizens. And so 
they unanimously voted to offer the sovereignty to 
Numa Pompilius. Being summoned to Rome he com- 
manded that, just as Romulus had obeyed the augural 
omens in building his city and assuming regal power, 
so too in his own case the gods should be consulted. 
Accordingly an augur (who thereafter, as a mark of 
honour, was made a priest of the state in permanent 
charge of that function) conducted him to the 
citadel and caused him to sit down on a stone, 
facing the south. The augur seated himself on 
Numa's left, having his head covered, and holding 
his in right hand the crooked staff without a knot 


A.U.O. Inde ubi prospectu in urbem agrumque capto deos 
precatus regiones ab oriente ad occasum determina- 
vit, dextras ad meridiem partes, laevas ad septen- 

8 trionem esse dixit ; sign urn contra, quoad 1 origissime 
conspectum oculi ferebant, animo finivit ; turn lituo 
in laevam mamim translate dextra in caput Numae 

9 imposita ita precatus est, 2 " luppiter pater, si est fas 
hunc Numam Pompilium, cuius ego caput teneo, 
regem Romae esse, uti tu signa nobis certa adcla- 

10 rassis inter eos fines quos feci." Turn peregit verbis 
auspicia quae mitti vellet. Quibus missis declaratus 
rex Numa de templo descendit. 

A.U.C. XIX. Qui regno ita potitus urbem novam, condi- 

tam vi et armis, iure earn legibusque ac moribus de 

2 integro condere parat. Quibus cum inter bella ad- 
suescere videret non posse, quippe efferari militia 
animos, mitigandum ferocem populum armorum de- 
suetudine ratus, lanum ad infimum Argiletum indi- 
cem pacis bellique fecit, apertus ut in armis esse 
civitatem, clausus pacatos circa omnes populos signi- 

3 ficaret. Bis deinde post Numae regnum clausus 
fuit, semel T. Manlio consule post Punicum primum 
perfectum belluin, iterum, quod nostrae aetati di 
dederunt ut videremus, post bellum Actiacum ab 
imperatore Caesare Augusto pace terra marique 

1 quoad Weissenborn : quod n : quo PV : quo M. 

2 ita precatus est Walters : precatua est ita ORDL : pre- 
catus ita est MPFUBEH. 


BOOK I. xviii. y-xix. 3 

which they call a lituus. Then, looking out over the B.O. 716 
City and the country beyond, he prayed to the gods, 
and marked off the heavens by a line from east to 
west, designating as ' right ' the regions to the south, 
as 'left' those to the north, and fixing in his mind a 
landmark opposite to him and as far away as the eye 
could reach ; next shifting the crook to his left hand 
and, laying his right hand on Numa's head, he 
uttered the following prayer : " Father Jupiter, if it 
is Heaven's will that this man Numa Pompilius, 
whose head I am touching, be king in Rome, do thou 
exhibit to us unmistakable signs within those limits 
which I have set." He then specified the auspices 
which he desired should be sent, and upon their ap- 
pearance Numa was declared king, and so descended 
i'rom the augural station. 

XIX. When he had thus obtained the kingship, he B.C. 
prepared to give the new City, founded by force of 
arms, a new foundation in law, statutes, and observ- 
ances. And perceiving that men could not grow 
used to these things in the midst of wars, since their 
natures grew wild and savage through warfare, he 
thought it needful that his warlike people should be 
softened by the disuse of arms, and built the temple 
of Janus at the bottom of the Argiletum, as an index 
of peace and war, that when open it might signify 
that the nation was in arms, when closed that all the 
peoples round about were pacified. Twice since 
Numa's reign has it been closed : once in the consul- 
ship of Titus Manlius, after the conclusion of the 
First Punic War ; the second time, which the gods 
permitted our own generation to witness, was after 
the battle of Actium, when the emperor Caesar 
Augustus had brought about peace on land and 

6 7 


A.U.C. 4 parta. Clauso eo cum omnium circa finitimorum 


societate ac foederibus iunxisset animos, positis ex- 
ternorum periculorum curis ne luxuriarent otio animi, 
quos metus hostium disciplinaque militaris continu- 
erat, omnium primum, rem ad multitudinem imperi- 
tam et illis saeculis rudem efficacissimam, de< rum 

5 metum iniciendum ratus est. Qui cum descendere 
ad animos sine aliquo commento miraculi non posset, 
simulat sibi cum dea Egeria congressus nocturnos 
esse ; eius se monitu, quae acceptissima diis essent 
sacra instituere, sacerdotes suos cuique deorum prae- 

6 Atque omnium primum ad cursus lunae in duo- 
decim menses discribit l annum ; quern, quia tricenos 
dies singulis mensibus luna non explet, desuntque 
undecim dies 2 solido anno qui solstitiali circum- 
agitur orbe, intercalariis 3 mensibus interponendis ita 
dispensavit, ut vicesimo anno ad metam eandem 
solis unde orsi essent, plenis omnium annorum 

7 spatiis, dies congruerent. Idem nefastos dies fastos- 
que fecit, quia aliquando nihil cum populo agi utile 
futurum erat. 

1 discribit Buecheler : describit n. 

2 desuntque undecim dies J. S. Reid (who, however, prefers 
to assume that Livy did not commit himself to any definite 
number of days. See Jour. Rom. Stud. V. p. 144) : des 
( = desunt) qui (for que ui) dies B, ivhence Conway proposes 
desuntque sex dies (but ui =VI may be a corruption of XI) : 
desuntque dies fl. 

8 intercalariis Heerwayen : intercalares n. 


BOOK I. xix. 3-7 

sea. 1 Numa closed the temple after first securing the B.C. 
good will of all the neighbouring tribes by alliances 71 " 672 
and treaties. And fearing lest relief from anxiety on 
the score of foreign perils might lead men who had 
hitherto been held back by fear of their enemies and 
by military discipline into extravagance and idleness, 
he thought the very first thing to do, as being the 
most efficacious with a populace which was ignorant 
and, in those early days, uncivilized, was to imbue 
them with the fear of Heaven. As he could not 
instil this into their hearts without inventing some 
marvellous story, he pretended to have nocturnal 
meetings with the goddess Egeria, and that hers 
was the advice which guided him in the establish- 
ment of rites most approved by the gods, and in the 
appointment of special priests for the service of each. 
And first of all he divided the year into twelve 
months, according to the revolutions of the moon. 
But since the moon does not give months of quite 
thirty days each, and eleven days are wanting to the 
full complement of a year as marked by the sun's 
revolution, he inserted intercalary months in such a 
way that in the twentieth year the days should fall 
in with the same position of the sun from which 
they had started, and the period of twenty years be 
rounded out. He also appointed days when public 
business might not be carried on, and others when 
it might, since it would sometimes be desirable that 
nothing should be brought before the people. 

1 This was evidently written before 25 B.C., when the 
temple was again closed by Augustus. But it was not 
written before 27, for it was not until that year that the 
title of Augustus was conferred upon the emperor. We 
thus arrive at an approximate date for the beginning of 
Livy's history. 



XX. Turn sacerdotibus creandis animum adiecit, 

... , ., 

quamquam ipse plunma sacra obibat, ea maxime 

2 quae mine ad Dialem flaminem pertinent. Sed quia 
in civitate bellicosa plures Romuli quam Numae 
similes reges putabat fore iturosque ipsos ad bella, 
ne sacra regiae vicis desererentur, Haminem lovi 
adsiduum sacerdotem creavit insignique eum veste 
et curuli regia sella adornavit. Huic duos flamines 

3 adiecit, Marti unum, alterum Quirino ; virginesque 
Vestae legit, Alba oriundum sacerdotium et genti 
conditoris hand alienum. lis, ut adsiduae templi 
antistites essent, stipendium de publico statuit, vir- 
ginitate aliisque caerimoniis venerabiles ac sanctas 

4 fecit. Salios item duodecim Marti Gradivo legit 
tunicaeque pictae insigne dedit et super tunicam 
aeneum pectori tegumen caelestiaque arma, quae 
ancilia appellantur, ferre ac per urbem ire canentes 
carmina cum tripudiis sollemnique saltatu iussit. 

5 Pontificem deinde Numam Marcium Marci filium ex 
patribus legit eique sacra omnia exscripta exsigna- 
taque attribuit, quibus hostiis, quibus diebus, ad 
quae templa sacra fierent atque uiide in eos sumptus 

6 pecunia erogaretur. Cetera quoque omnia publica 
privataque sacra pontificis scitis subiecit, ut esset 

1 The original ancile was a shield fabled to have fallen 
from heaven. To lessen the chance of its being stolen, 
eleven others were made exactly like it. It was of a 
peculiar shape, something like a violin. See Fowler, Feat. 
p. 42. 



BOOK I. xx. 1-6 

XX. He then turned his attention to the appoint- 
ment of priests, although he performed very many 715 ~672 
priestly duties himself, especially those which now 
belong to the Flamen Dialis. But inasmuch as he 
thought that in a warlike nation there would be more 
kings like Romulus than like Numa, and that they 
would take the field in person, he did not wish the 
sacrificial duties of the kingly office to be neg- 
lected, and so appointed a flamen for Jupiter, as 
his perpetual priest, and provided him with a con- 
spicuous dress and the royal curule chair. To him 
he added two other flamens, one for Mars, the 
other for Quirinus. In like manner he designated 
virgins for Vesta's service a priesthood, this, that 
derived from Alba and so was not unsuited to the 
founder's stock. That they might be perpetual 
priestesses of the temple, he assigned them a 
stipend from the public treasury, and by the rule of 
virginity and other observances invested them with 
awe and sanctity. He likewise chose twelve Salii for 
Mars Gradivus, and granted them the distinction of 
wearing the embroidered tunic and over it a bronze 
breastplate, and of bearing the divine shields which 
men call ancilia, 1 while they proceeded through the 
City, chanting their hymns to the triple beat of their 
solemn dance. He next chose as pontifex Numa 
Marcius, son of Marcus, one of the senators, and to 
him he intrusted written directions, full and ac- 
curate, for performing the rites of worship ; with 
what victims, on what days, in what temple, sacri- 
fices should be offered, and from what sources 
money was to be disbursed to pay their costs. All 
other public and private sacrifices he likewise made 
subject to the decrees of the pontifex, that there 

A.U.C. quo consultum plebes veniret, ne quid divini iuris 


neglegendo patnos ritus peregnnosque adsciscendo 
7 turbaretur ; nee caelestes modo caerimonias, sed 
iusta quoque funebria placandosque manes ut idem 
pontifex edoceret, quaeque prodigia fulminibus aliove 
quo visu missa susciperentur atque curarentur. Ad 
ea elicienda ex mentibus divinis lovi Elicio aram in 
Aventino dicavit deumque consuluit auguriis, quae 
suscipienda essent. 

XXI. Ad haec consul tanda procurandaque multi- 
tudine omni a vi et armis conversa, et animi aliquid 
agendo occupati erant, et deorum adsidua insidens 
cura, cum interesse rebus humanis caeleste numen 
videretur, ea pietate omnium pectora imbuerat, ut 
fides ac ius iurandum pro l legum ac poenarum metu 

2 civitatem regerent. Et cum ipsi se homines in regis 
velut unici exempli mores formarent, turn finitimi 
etiam populi, qui antea 2 castra, non urbem positam 
in medio ad sollicitandam omnium pacem credi- 
derant, in earn verecundiam adducti surit ut civi- 
tatem totam in cultum versam deorum violare 3 duce- 

3 rent nefas. Lucus erat, quern medium ex opaco 
specu fons perenni rigabat aqua. Quo quia se per- 

1 pro Novak : pro niinio Walters : proximo ft. 

2 antea M : ante n. 

3 uiolare PFUR : uiolari n. 


BOOK I. xx. 6-xxi. 3 

might be someone to whom the commons could B.C. 
come for advice, lest any confusion should arise in 
the religious law through the neglect of ancestral 
rites and the adoption of strange ones. And not 
merely ceremonies relating to the gods above, but 
also proper funeral observances and the propitiation 
of the spirits of the dead were to be taught by the 
pontifex as well, and also what prodigies manifested 
by lightning or other visible sign were to be taken in 
hand and averted. With the purpose of eliciting this 
knowledge from the minds of the gods, Numa dedi- 
cated an altar on the Aventine to Jupiter Elicius, 
and consulted the god by augury, that he might 
learn what portents were to be regarded. 

XXI. The consideration and disposal of these 
matters diverted the thoughts of the whole people 
from violence and arms. Not only had they some- 
thing to occupy their minds, but their constant 
preoccupation with the gods, now that it seemed 
to them that concern for human affairs was felt 
by the heavenly powers, had so tinged the hearts 
of all with piety, that the nation was governed by 
its regard for promises and oaths, rather than 
by the dread of laws and penalties. And while 
Numa's subjects were spontaneously imitating the 
character of their king, as their unique exemplar, 
the neighbouring peoples also, who had hitherto con- 
sidered that it was no city but a camp that had been 
set up in their midst, as a menace to the general 
peace, came to feel such reverence for them, that 
they thought it sacrilege to injure a nation so wholly 
bent upon the worship of the gods. There was 
a grove watered by a perennial spring which flowed 
through the midst of it, out of a dark cave. Thither 



A.U.C saepe Numa sine arbitris velut ad congressum deae 


inferebat, Camenis etim lucum sacravit, quod earum 
ibi 1 concilia cum coniuge sua Egeria essent, et Fidei 2 

4 sollemne instituit. Ad id sacrarium flamines bigis 
curru arcuato vehi iussit, manuque ad digitos usque 
involuta reni divinam facere, significantes fidem tu- 
tandam sedemque eius etiam in dexteris sacratam 

5 esse. Multa alia sacrificia locaque sacris faciendis, 
quae Argeos pontifices vocant, dedicavit. Omnium 
tameii maximum eius operum fuit tutela per omne 
regni tempus haud minor pacis quam regni. Ita duo 
deinceps reges, alius alia via,, ille bello, hie pace, 
civitatem auxerunt. Romulus septem et triginta 
regnavit annos, Numa tres et quadraginta. Cum 
valida turn temperata et belli et pacis artibus erat 

A.U.C. XXII. Numae morte ad interregnum res rediit. 

Inde Tullum Hostilium iiepotem Hostili, cuius in 
infima arce clara pugna adversus Sabinos fuerat, 

2 regem populus iussit ; patres auctores facti. Hie 
non solum proximo regi dissimilis, sed ferocior etiam 
quam Romulus fuit. Cum aetas viresque, turn avita 
quoque gloria animum stimulabat. Senescere igitur 
civitatem otio ratus undique materiam excitandi belli 

3 quaerebat. Forte evenit ut agrestes Romani ex 

1 ibi $-: sibi fi. ! Fidei Sigonius : soli Fidei n. 

1 There were six of these shrines or chapels in each of the 
four regions of the Servian city. A procession made the 
round of the Aryei on March 17 ; and on May 15 rush 
puppets, also called Argei, and probably corresponding to 


BOOK I. xxi. 3-xxn. 3 

Numa would often withdraw, without witnesses, as B.C. 
if to meet the goddess; so he dedicated the grove to 715 ~ 672 
the Camenae, alleging that they held counsel there 
with his wife Egeria. He also established an annual 
worship of Faith, to whose chapel he ordered that 
the flamens should proceed in a two-horse hooded 
carriage, and should wrap up their arms as far as the 
fingers before sacrificing, as a sign that faith must be 
kept, and that even in men's clasped hands her seat 
is sacred. He established many other rites, as well 
as places of sacrifice, which the pontiffs called Argei. 1 
But of all his services the greatest was this, that 
throughout his reign he guardedpeace no less jealously 
than his kingdom. Thus two successive kings in 
different ways, one by war, the other by peace, 
promoted the nation's welfare. Romulus ruled thirty- 
seven years, Numa forty-three. The state was not 
only strong, but was also well organized in the arts 
both of war and of peace. 

XXII. At JSTuma's death the state reverted to an B.C. 
interregnum. Then Tullus Hostilius, grandson of that ~ ( 
Hostilius who had distinguished himself in the battle 
with the Sabines at the foot of the citadel, was 
declared king by the people, and the senate confirmed 
their choice. This monarch was not only unlike the 
last, but was actually more warlike than Romulus had 
been. Besides his youth and strength, the glory of 
his grandfather was also an incentive to him. So, 
thinking that the nation was growing decrepit from 
inaction, he everywhere sought excuses for stirring 
up war. It happened that the Roman rustics were 

the shrines in number, were thrown into the Tiber by the 
Vestal Virgins, in the presence of the priestess of Jupiter, 
who was dressed in mourning. The meaning of both cere- 
monies is obscure. See Fowler, Fest. pp. 54 and 111. 



A.U.C. Albano agro, Albani ex Romano praedas in vicem age- 

4 rent. Imperitabat turn C. Cluilius 1 Albae. Utrim- 
que legati fere sub idem tempus ad res repetendas 
missi. Tullus praeceperat suis ne quid prius quam 
mandata agerent; satis sciebat negaturum Albanum; 

5 ita pie bellum indici posse. Ab Albanis socordius 
res acta ; excepti hospitio ab Tullo blande ac be- 
nigne, comiter regis convivium celebrant. Tantisper 
Romani et res repetiverant priores et neganti Albano 

6 bellum in tricesimum diem indixerant. Haec renun- 
tiant Tullo. Turn legatis Tullus dicendi potestatem, 
quid petentes venerint,, facit. Illi omnium ignari 
primum purgando terunt tempus : se invitos quic- 
quam quod minus placeat Tullo dicturos, sed im- 
perio subigi ; res repetitum se venisse ; ni reddantur 

7 bellum indicere iussos. Ad haec Tullus "Nuntiate/' 
inquit, "regi vestro regem Romanum decs facere 
testes uter prius populus res repetentes legatos 
aspernatus dimiserit, ut in eum omnes expetant 
huiusce clades belli." 

XXIII. Haec nuntiant domum Albani. Et bellum 
utrimque summa ope parabatur, civili simillimum 
bello, prope inter parentes natosque, Troianam 

1 Cluilius Glareanus (cf. i. 23. 7) : clulius (or ciuilius or 
ciiiilius or ciuibus) H. 

7 6 

BOOK I. xxn. 3-xxm. i 

driving off cattle from Alban territory, while the 
Albans were treating the Romans in the same way. 
The man who was then in power in Alba was Gaius 
Cluilius. Each side, at about the same time, sent 
envoys to demand restitution. Tullus had com- 
manded his envoys to do nothing else till they had 
carried out his orders ; he felt convinced that the 
Albans would refuse his demands, in which case he 
could declare war with a good conscience. The 
Alban representatives proceeded rather laxly. Re- 
ceived by Tullus with gracious and kindly hos- 
pitality, they attended in a friendly spirit the banquet 
which he gave in their honour. Meanwhile the 
Romans had been beforehand with them in seeking 
redress, and, being denied it by the Alban leader, had 
made a declaration of war, to take effect in thirty 
days. Returning, they reported these things to 
Tullus, who thereupon invited the Alban envoys to 
inform him of the object of their mission. They, 
knowing nothing of what had happened, at first spent 
some time in apologies. They said they should be 
sorry to utter anything which might give offence to 
Tullus, but that they were compelled to do so by 
their orders ; they had come to seek restitution ; if it 
should be denied them they were commanded to 
declare war. To this Tullus replied: "Tell your 
king the Roman king calls the gods to witness which 
people first spurned the other's demand for redress 
and dismissed its envoys, that they may call down 
upon the guilty nation all the disasters of this war." 
XXIII. With this answer the Albans returned to 
their city, and both sides prepared for war with the 
greatest energy a civil war, to all intents and pur- 
poses, almost as if fathers were arrayed against sons ; 




A.U.C. utramque prolem, cum Lavinium ab Troia, ab Lavi- 

co_i i 4 

nio Alba, ab Albanorum stirpe regum oriundi Romani 

2 essent. Eventus tamen belli minus miserabilem 
dimicationem fecit, quod nee acie certatum est et 
tectis modo dirutis alterius urbis duo populi in unum 

3 confusi sunt. Albani priores ingenti exercitu in 
agrum Romanum impetum fecere. Castra ab urbe 
baud plus quinque milia passuum locant ; fossa cir- 
cumdant ; fossa Cluilia l ab nomine ducis per aliquot 
saecula appellata est, donee cum re nomen quoque 

4 vetustate 2 abolevit. In his castris Cluilius 3 Albanus 
rex moritur ; dictatorem Albani Mettium Fufetium 
creant. Interim Tullus ferox, praecipue morte regis, 
magn unique deorum numen ab ipso capite orsum in 
omne nomen Albanum expetiturum poenas ob bel- 
lum impimn dictitans, nocte praeteritis hostium cas- 
tris infesto exercitu in agrum Albanum pergit. Ea 

5 res ab stativis excivit Mettium. Ducit quam prox- 
ume ad hostem potest. hide legatum praemissum 
nuntiare Tullo iubet priusquam dimicent opus esse 
conloquio ; si secum congressus sit, satis scire ea se 
allaturum quae nihilo minus ad rem Romanam quam 

G ad Albanam pertineant. Hand aspernatus Tullus 
tamen, si vana adferantur, 4 in aciem educit. Exeunt 
contra et Albani. Postquam structi utrimque sta- 

1 Cluilia Glareanus (cf. i. 22. 4) : cliuli, ciuilia, etc. n. 
'* uetustate M : cum uetustate H. 

3 Cluilius Glareanufi : cluiuilius (or ciuilius) fi. 

4 tamen si uana adferantur /. H. Voss : tametsi uana ad- 
ferebantur Q. 


BOOK I. xxin. 1-6 

for both were of Trojan ancestry, since Lavinium had B.C. 
been planted from Troy, Alba from Lavinium, and 672 - 640 
from the line of the Alban kings had come the Romans. 
Still, the issue of the war made the struggle less 
deplorable, for no battle was fought, and when only 
the buildings of one of the cities had been destroyed, 
the two peoples were fused into one. The Albans 
were first in the field, and with a great army invaded 
the Roman territory. Their camp they pitched not 
more than five miles from the City, and surrounded 
it with a trench. (This was known for some centuries 
as the Cluilian Trench, from the name of the general, 
until in the course of time both trench and name 
disappeared.) In this camp Cluilius the Alban king 
died, and the Albans chose as dictator Mettius Fufe- 
tius. Meantime Tullus, emboldened principally by 
the death of the king, and asserting that Heaven's 
great powers would take vengeance upon all of the 
Alban name, beginning with their king himself, for 
their unscrupulous war, made a night march past 
the enemy's camp and led his army into the country 
of the Albans. This move drew Mettius out from his 
fortifications. Leading his troops the shortest way 
towards the enemy, he sent an envoy on ahead to 
say to Tullus that before they fought it was well that 
they should confer together; if Tullus would meet 
him he was confident he had that to say which would 
be of no less moment to the Roman state than to the 
Alban. Without rejecting this suggestion, Tullus 
nevertheless drew up his men in line of battle, in 
case the proposals should prove impracticable. On 
the other side the Albans also formed up. When 
both armies had been marshalled, the leaders, 



A.U.C. bant, cum paucis procerum in medium duces pro- 

C9_l 1 A 

deunt. Ibi infit Albanus : 

7 " Iniurias et non redditas res ex foedere quae 
repetitae sint et ego regem nostrum Cluilium 
causam huiusce esse belli audisse videor nee te 
dubito, Tulle, eadem prae te ferre ; sed si vera 
potius quam dictu speciosa dicenda sunt, cupido 
imperii duos cognatos vicinosque populos ad arma 

8 stimulat. Neque recte an perperam interpreter ; 
fuerit ista eius deliberatio qui bellum suscepit ; 
me Albani gerendo bello ducem creavere. Illud 
te, Tulle, monitum velim. Etrusca res quanta circa 
nos teque maxime sit, quo propior es, 1 hoc magis 
scis. Mill turn illi terra, plurimum mari pollent. 

9 Memor esto, iam cum signum pugnae dabis, has duas 
acies spectaculo fore, ut fessos confectosque, simul 
victorem ac victum, adgrediantur. Itaque, si nos di 
amant, quoniam non content! libertate certa in du- 
biam imperii servitiique aleam imus, ineamus aliquam 
viam qua utri utris imperent, sine magna clade, sine 
multo sanguine utriusque populi decerni possit." 

10 Haud displicet res Tullo, quamquam cum indole 
animi turn spe victoriae ferocior erat. Quaerentibus 
utrimque ratio initur cui et Fortuna ipsa praebuit 

1 es Voss : es Volscis n : es Tuscis Strothius. 

BOOK I. xxin. 6-10 

attended by a few of their nobles, advanced to B .c. 
the middle of the field. Then the Alban began 672 - 640 
as follows : 

"Pillage and failure to make the amends demanded 
in accordance with our treaty I think I have myself 
heard named by our king, Cluilius, as the occasion of 
this war, and I doubt not, Tullus, but you make the 
same contention. But if truth is to be spoken, rather 
than sophistries, it is greed for dominion that is 
goading two kindred and neighbouring peoples into 
war. Whether rightly or wrongly 1 do not attempt 
to determine ; that is a question that may well have 
been considered by him who undertook the war ; 
I am only the general appointed by the Albans to 
prosecute that war. But this is the point, Tullus, 
which I wish to suggest to you: Of the magnitude of 
the Etruscan power which encompasses us, and you 
especially, you are better aware than we, in proportion 
as you are nearer to that people. Great is their 
strength on land, exceedingly great on the sea. You 
must consider that the instant you give the signal for 
battle, the Tuscans will be watching our two armies, so 
that, when we have become tired and exhausted, they 
may attack at once the victor and the vanquished. In 
Heaven's name, therefore, since we are not content 
with unquestioned liberty, but are proceeding to the 
doubtful hazard of dominion or enslavement, let us 
adopt some plan by which we may decide the question 
which nation shall rule the other, without a great 
disaster and much carnage on both sides." 

Tullus made no objection, though inclined to war 
by nature no less than by his anticipation of victory. 
While both parties were considering what to do, a 
plan was hit upon for the execution of which 
Fortune herself supplied the means. 

A.U.C. XXIV. Forte in cluobus turn exercitibus erant 


trigemini fratres nee aetate nee viribus dispares. 
Horatios Curiatiosque fuisse satis constat, nee ferme 
res antiqua alia est nobilior ; tamen in re tarn clara 
nominum error manet, utrius populi Horatii, utrius 
Curiatii fueriiit. Auctores utroque trahunt ; plures 
tamen invenio qui Romanos Horatios vocent ; hos ut 

2 sequar inclinat animus. Cum trigeminis agunt reges, 
ut pro sua quisque patria dimicent ferro : ibi impe- 
rium fore unde victoria fuerit. Nihil recusatur ; 

3 tempus et locus convenit. Priusquam dimicarent, 
foedus ic'tum inter Romanos et Albanos est his legi- 
bus, ut cui usque populi cives eo certamine vicissent, 
is alteri populo cum bona pace imperitaret. Foedera 
alia aliis legibus, ceterum eodem modo omnia fiunt. 

4 Turn ita factum accepimus, nee ullius vetustior foe- 
deris memoria est. Fetialis regem Tullum ita roga- 
vit : " lubesne me, rex, cum patre patrato populi 
Albani foedus ferire ? ' lubente rege " Sagmina," 

5 inquit, " te, rex, posco." Rex ait: " Puram tollito." 
Fetialis ex arce graminis herbam puram attulit. 
Postca regem ita rogavit : " Rex, facisne me tu re- 
gium nuntium populi Romani Quiritium, vasa comi- 

1 The fttiales (related to facio, " do ") were a college of 
priests whose duties were to represent the state in declaring 
war, making peace, entering into treaties, etc. The paler 


BOOK I. xxiv. 1-5 

XXIV. It chanced that there were in each of B.C. 
these armies triplet brothers, not ill-matched either 
in age or in physical prowess. That they were Horatii 
and Curiatii is generally allowed, and scarcely any 
other ancient tradition is better known ; yet, in spite 
of the celebrity of the affair, an uncertainty persists 
in regard to the names to which people, that is, the 
Horatii belonged, and to which the Curiatii. The 
writers of history are divided. Still, the majority, I 
find, call the Roman brothers Horatii, and theirs is 
the opinion I incline to adopt. To these young men 
the kings proposed a combat in which each should 
fight for his own city, the dominion to belong with 
that side where the victory should rest. No objection 
was raised, and time and place were agreed on. Be- 
fore proceeding with the battle, a treaty was made 
between the Romans and the Albans, providing that 
the nation whose citizens should triumph in this con- 
test should hold undisputed sway over the other 
nation. One treaty differs from another in its terms, 
but the same procedure is always employed. On the 
present occasion we are told that they did as follows, 
nor has tradition preserved the memory of any more 
ancient compact. The fetial 1 asked King Tullus, 
" Dost thou command me, King, to make a treaty 
with the pater patratus of the Alban People ? " Being 
so commanded by the king, he said, " I demand of 
thee, King, the sacred herb." The king replied, 
" Thou shalt take it untainted." The fetial brought 
from the citadel an untainted plant. After this he 
asked the king, " Dost thou grant me, King, with my 
emblems and my companions, the royal sanction, to 

patratus (from patro, " accomplish " or " bring about ") was 
the spokesman of the deputation. 



A.U.C. tesque meos ? " Rex respondit : " Quod sine fraude 

6 mea populique Romani Quiritium fiat, facio." Fetialis 
erat M. Valerius ; is patrem l patratum Sp. Fusium 
fecit verbena caput capillosque tangens. Pater pa- 
tratus ad ius iurandum patrandum, id est sanciendum 
fit foedus ; multisque id verbis, quae longo effata 

7 carmine non operae est referre, peragit. Legibus 
deinde recitatis "Audi," inquit, " luppiter, audi, 
pater patrate populi Albani, audi tu, populus Alba- 
nus. Ut ilia palam prima postrema ex illis tabulis 
cerave recitata sunt sine dolo malo utique ea hie 
hodie rectissime intellecta sunt, illis legibus populus 

8 Romanus prior non deficiet. Si prior defexit publico 
consilio dolo malo, turn tu ille Diespiter 2 populum 
Romanum sic ferito ut ego hunc porcum hie hodie 
feriam ; tantoque magis ferito quanto magis potes 

9 pollesque." Id ubi dixit, porcum saxo silice per- 
cussit. Sua item carmina Albani suumque ius iuran- 
dum per suum dictatorem suosque sacerdotes pere- 

XXV. Foedere icto trigemini, sicut convenerat, 
arma capiunt. Cum sui utrosque adhortarentur, deos 
patrios, patriam ac parentes, quicquid civium domi, 
quicquid in exercitu sit, illorum tune arma, illorum 
intueri manus, feroces et suopte ingenio et pleni 

1 is patrem VM : patrem n. 

2 turn tu (Crevicr) ille Diespiter Turnebus and Duker : 
turn ille dies iuppiter A. 


BOOK I. xxiv. 5-xxv. i 

speak for the Roman People of the Quirites ? " The B .o. 
king made answer, " So far as may be without pre- 672 - 640 
judice to myself and the Roman People of the Quirites, 
I grant it." The fetial was Marcus Valerius ; he made 
Spurius Fusius paler patratus, touching his head and 
hair with the sacred sprig. The pater patratus is ap- 
pointed to pronounce the oath, that is, to solemnize 
the pact ; and this he accomplishes with many words, 
expressed in a long metrical formula which it is not 
worth while to quote. The conditions being then 
recited, he cries, " Hear, Jupiter ; hear, pater patratus 
of the Alban People : hear ye, People of Alba : From 
these terms, as they have been publicly rehearsed 
from beginning to end, without fraud, from these 
tablets, or this wax, and as they have been this day 
clearly understood, the Roman People will not be the 
first to depart. If it shall first depart from them, by 
general consent, with malice aforethought, then on 
that day do thou, great Diespiter, so smite the 
Roman People as I shall here to-day smite this pig : 
and so much the harder smite them as thy power 
and thy strength are greater." When Spurius had 
said these words, he struck the pig with a flint. In 
like manner the Albans pronounced their own forms 
and their own oath, by the mouth of their own 
dictator and priests. 

XXV. When the treaty had been established, the 
brothers armed themselves, in accordance with the 
agreement. On either side the soldiers urged on 
their champions. They reminded them that their 
fathers' gods, their native land, their parents, and all 
their countrymen, whether at home or with the army, 
had their eye only on their swords and their right 
hands. Eager for the combat, as well owing to their 



A.U.C. adhortantium vocibus in medium inter duas acies 


2 procedunt. Consederant utrimque pro castris duo 
exercitus periculi magis praesentis quam curae ex- 
pertes ; quippe imperium agebatur in tarn paucorum 
virtute atque fortuna positum. Itaque ergo erecti 
suspensique in minime gratum spectaculum animos 

3 intendunt. 1 Datur signum infestisque armis velut 
acies terni iuvenes magnorum exercituum animos 
gerentes concurrunt. Nee his nee illis periculum 
suum, publicum imperium servitiumque obversatur 
animo futuraque ea deinde patriae fortuna quam ipsi 

4 fecissent. Ut primo statim concursu concrepuere 2 
arma micantesque fulsere gladii, horror ingens spec- 
tantis perstringit ; et neutro inclinata spe torpebat 

5 vox spiritusque. Consertis deinde manibus cum iam 
lion motus tantum corporum agitatioque anceps telo- 
rum armorumque sed vulnera quoque et sanguis 
spectaculo essent, duo Romani, super alium alius, 

6 vulneratis tribus Albanis exspirantes corruerunt. Ad 
quorum casum cum coriclamasset gaudio Albanus 
exercitus, Romanas legiones iam spes tota, nondum 
tamen cura deseruerat, exanimes vice unius quern 

7 tres Curiatii circumsteterant. Forte is integer fuit, 
ut universis solus nequaquam par, sic adversus sin- 
gulos ferox. Ergo, ut segregaret pugnam eorum, 

1 animos intendunt II. J. Mueller : animo incenduntur fl. 
* concrepuere H. J. Muelle,r : increpuere A. 

BOOK I. xxv. 1-7 

native spirit as to the shouts of encouragement which B.C. 
filled their ears, the brothers advanced into the space 672 ~ 640 
between the two lines of battle. The two armies 
were drawn up, each in front of its own camp, no 
longer in any immediate danger, but their concern as 
great as ever ; and no wonder, since empire was staked 
on those few men's valour and good fortune ! Alert, 
therefore, and in suspense, they concentrated their 
attention upon this unpleasing spectacle. The signal 
was given, and with drawn steel, like advancing battle- 
lines, the six young men rushed to the charge, 
breathing the courage of great armies. Neither side 
thought of its own danger, but of the nation's 
sovereignty or servitude, and how from that day for- 
ward their country must experience the fortune they 
should themselves create. The instant they en- 
countered, there was a clash of shields and a flash of 
glittering blades, while a deep shudder ran through 
the onlookers, who, as long as neither side had the 
advantage, remained powerless to speak or breathe. 
Then, in the hand-to-hand fight which followed, 
wherein were soon exhibited to men's eyes not 
only struggling bodies and the play of the sword 
and shield, but also bloody wounds, two of the 
Romans fell, fatally wounded, one upon the other, 
while all three of the Albans were wounded. At 
the fall of the Romans a shout of joy burst from 
the Alban army, while the Roman levies now bade 
farewell to all their hopes ; but not to their anxiety, 
for they were horror-stricken at the plight of the 
single warriorwhom the three Curiatii had surrounded. 
He happened to have got no hurt, and though no 
match for his enemies together, was ready to fight 
them one at a time. So, to divide their attack, he 



A u.c. capessit fugam, ita ratus secuturos ut quemque vul- 


8 nere adfectum corpus sineret. lam aliquantum spatii 
ex eo loco ubi pugnatum est aufugerat, cum respi- 
ciens videt magnis intervallis sequentes ; unum baud 

9 procul ab sese abesse. In eum magno impetu rediit, 
et dum Albanus exercitus inclamat Curiatiis uti opem 
ferant fratri, iam Horatius caeso hoste victor secun- 
dam pugnam petebat. Tune clamore, qualis ex in- 
sperato faventium solet, Romani adiuvant militem 

10 suum ; et ille defungi proelio festinat. Prius itaque 
quam alter nee 1 procul aberat consequi posset, et 

11 alterum Curiatium conficit ; iamque aequato Marte 
singuli supererant, sed nee spe nee viribus pares. 
Alterum intactum ferro corpus et geminata victoria 
ferocem in certamen tertium dabat : alter fessum 
vulnere fessum cursu trahens corpus, victusque fra- 

12 trum ante se strage victori obicitur hosti. Nee illud 
proelium fuit. Romanus exsultans " Duos/' inquit, 
" fratrum Manibus dedi : tertium causae 2 belli 
huiusce, ut Romanus Albano imperet, dabo." Male 
sustinenti arma gladium superne iugulo defigit ; 

13 iacentem spoliat. Romani ovantes ac gratulantes 
Horatium accipiunt eo maiore cum gaudio quo 
prope metum res fuerat. Ad sepulturam inde suo- 

1 ncc M : qui nee fl. * causae A/>- : eausam A. 


BOOK I. xxv. 7-13 

fled, thinking that each of them would pursue him B .c. 
with what speed his wounds permitted. He had al- 672 ~ 640 
ready run some little distance from the spot where 
they had fought, when,looking back, he saw that they 
were following at wide intervals and that one of them 
had nearly overtaken him. Facing about, he ran 
swiftly up to his man, and while the Alban host were 
calling out to the Curiatii to help their brother, 
Horatius had already slain him, and was hastening, 
flushed with victory, to meet his second antagonist. 
Then with a cheer, such as is often drawn from 
partisans by a sudden turn in a contest, the Romans 
encouraged their champion, and he pressed on to end 
the battle. And so, before the third Curiatius could 
come up and he was not far off Horatius dispatched 
the second. They were now on even terms, one 
soldier surviving on each side, but in hope and vigour 
they were far from equal. The one, unscathed and 
elated by his double victory, was eager for a third 
encounter. The other dragged himself along, faint 
from his wound and exhausted with running ; he 
thought how his brothers had been slaughtered before 
him, and was a beaten man when he faced his trium- 
phant foe. What followed was no combat. The 
Roman cried exultantly, " Two victims I have given 
to the shades of my brothers : the third I will offer 
up to the cause of this war, that Roman may rule 
Alban." His adversary could barely hold up his 
shield. With a downward thrust Horatius buried 
his sword in the Alban's throat, and despoiled him 
where he lay. The Romans welcomed their hero 
with jubilations and thanksgivings, and their joy was 
all the greater that they had come near despairing. 
The burial of their dead then claimed the attention 



A.UC. rum nequaquam paribus animis vertuntur, quippe 

62-1 14 

imperio alter! aucti, alter! dicionis alienae fact!. 
14 Sepulcra exstant, quo quisque loco cecidit, duo Ro- 
mana uno loco propius Albany tria Albana Romam 
versus, sed distantia locis, ut et pugnatum est. 

XXVI. Priusquam inde digrederentur, roganti 
Mettio, ex foedere icto, quid imperaret, imperat 
Tullus uti iuventutem in armis habeat : usurum se 
eorum opera, si bellum cum Veientibus foret. Ita 

2 exercitus inde domos abducti. Princeps Horatius 
ibat trigemina spolia prae se gerens ; cui soror virgo, 
quae desponsa uni ex Curiatiis fuerat, obvia ante 
portam Capenam fuit ; cognitoque super umeros fra- 
tris paludamento sponsi, quod ipsa confecerat, solvit 
crines et flebiliter nomine sponsum mortuum appel- 

3 lat. Movet feroci iuveni animum conploratio sororis 
in victoria sua tantoque gaudio publico. Stricto 
itaque gladio simul verbis increpans trans figit 

4 puellam. " Abi hinc cum immature amore ad 
sponsum ' inquit, " oblita fratrum mortuorum vi- 

5 vique, oblita patriae. Sic eat quaecumque Romana 
lugebit hostem." 

Atrox visum id facinus patribus plebique, sed 
recens meritum facto obstabat. Tamen raptus in ius 
ad regem. Rex, ne ipse tarn tristis ingratique ad 
volgus iudicii ac 1 secundum iudicium supplicii auctor 

1 ac Rhenanus F 9 : ad n. 

BOOK I. xxv. i3~xxvi. 5 

of the two armies, with widely different feelings, B .c. 
since one nation was exalted with imperial power, the 672 - (J 40 
other made subject to a foreign sway. The graves 
may still be seen where each soldier fell : two Roman 
graves in one spot, nearer Alba ; those of the three 
Albans towards Rome, but separated, just as they had 

XXVI. Before they left the field Mettius asked, in 
pursuance of the compact, what Tullus commanded 
him to do, and the Roman ordered him to hold his 
young men under arms, saying that he should employ 
their services, if war broke out with the Veientes. 
The armies then marched home. In the van of the 
Romans came Horatius, displaying his triple spoils. 
As he drew near the Porta Capena he was met by his 
unwedded sister, who had been promised in marriage 
to one of the Curiatii. When she recognized on her 
brother's shoulders the military cloak of her betrothed, 
which she herself had woven, she loosed her hair and, 
weeping, called on her dead lover's name. It enraged 
the fiery youth to hear his sister's lamentations in the 
hour of his own victory and the nation's great rejoicing. 
And so, drawing his sword and at the same time 
angrily upbraiding her, he ran her through the body. 
" Begone" he cried, "to your betrothed, with your 
ill-timed love, since you have forgot your brothers, 
both the dead and the living, and forgot your country ! 
So perish every Roman woman who mourns a foe ! " 

Horrid as this deed seemed to the Fathers and the 
people, his recent service was an off-set to it ; never- 
theless he was seized and brought before the king for 
trial. The king, that he might not take upon himself 
the responsibility for so stern and unpopular a judge- 
ment, and for the punishment which must follow 


A.U.C. esset, concilio populi advocate "Duumviros," inquit, 
"qui Horatio perduellionem iudicent, secundum 

6 legem facio." Lex horrendi carminis erat : duum- 
viri perduellionem iudicent ; si a duumviris provo- 
carit, provocatione certato ; si vincent, caput obnu- 
bito ; infelici arbori reste suspendito ; verberato vel 

7 intra pomerium vel extra pomerium. Hac lege 
duumviri creati. Qui se absolvere non rebantur ea 
lege ne innoxium quidem posse, cum condemnassent, 
turn alter ex iis 1 "P. Horati, tibi perduellionem 

8 iudico," inquit ; " i, lictor, 2 colliga manus." Acces- 
serat lictor iniciebatque laqueum. Turn Horatius 
auctore Tullo, clemente legis interprete, " Provoco," 
inquit. Itaque 3 provocatione certatum ad populum 

9 est. Moti homines sunt in eo iudicio maxime P. 
Horatio patre proclamante se filiam iure caesam 
iudicare : ni ita esset, patrio iure in filium * animad- 
versurum fuisse. Orabat deinde, ne se, quern paulo 
ante cum egregia stirpe conspexissent, orbum liberis 

10 facerent. Inter haec senex iuvenem amplexus, spolia 
Curiatiorum fixa eo loco qui nunc pila Horatia appel- 
latur ostentans, "Huncine" aiebat, "quern modo 

1 iis Madvig : his H. 

2 inquit i, lictor 5- Modiun: inqui i lictor M: inquit lictor fl. 

3 itaque Tan. Faber : ita de fl. * filium 5- : filiam fl. 

1 By taking it upon himself to punish his sister, Horatius 
had usurped a function of the state, and so was guilty of 

2 I have adopted the view of Oldfather (T.A.P.A. xxxix. 
pp. 49 ff.) that neither hanging nor crucifixion is meant, but 


BOOK I. xxvi. 5-10 

sentence, called together the council of the people ua 
and said : " In accordance with the law I appoint 672 6*0 
duumvirs to pass judgement upon Horatius for 
treason." l The dread formula of the law ran thus : 
" Let the duumvirs pronounce him guilty of treason ; 
if he shall appeal from the duumvirs, let the appeal 
be tried ; if the duumvirs win, let the lictor veil his 
head ; let him bind him with a rope to a barren tree ; 
let him scourge him either within or without the 
pomerium." 2 By the terms of this law duumvirs 
were appointed. They considered that they might 
not acquit, under that act, even one who was innocent, 
and having given a verdict of guilty, one of them 
pronounced the words, " Publius Horatius, I adjudge 
you a traitor ; go, lictor, bind his hands." The lictor 
had approached and was about to fit the noose. Then 
Horatius, at the prompting of Tullus, who put a 
merciful construction upon the law, cried, " I appeal ! '' 
And so the appeal was tried before the people. What 
influenced men most of all in that trial was the as- 
sertion of Publius Horatius, the father, that his 
daughter had been justly slain ; otherwise he should 
have used a father's authority and have punished his 
son, himself. He then implored them not to make 
him childless whom they had beheld a little while 
before surrounded by a goodly offspring. So saying, 
the old man embraced the youth, and pointing 
to the spoils of the Curiatii set up in the place 
which is now called "the Horatian Spears," 3 he 
exclaimed, "This man you saw but lately advancing 

that the culprit was fastened to the tree and scourged to 

3 The name of the place which commemorated the spoils 
reflects the tradition, rejected above by Livy, that the 
Horatii were Albans, the Curiatii Romans. 


VOL. I. E 


si-iii decoratum ovantemque victoria incedentem vidistis, 
Quirites, eum sub furca vinctum inter verbera et 
cruciatus videre potestis ? Quod vix Albanorum oculi 

11 tarn deforme spectaculum ferre possent. I, lictor, 
colliga manus, quae paulo ante armatae imperium 
populo Romano pepererunt. I, caput obnube libera- 
toris urbis huius ; arbore infelici suspende ; verbera 
vel intra pomerium, modo inter ilia pila et spolia 
hostium, vel extra pomerium, modo inter sepulcra 
Curiatiorum. Quo enim ducere hunc iuvenem po- 
testis, ubi non sua decora eum a tanta foeditate 

12 supplicii vindicent?" Non tulit populus nee patris 
lacrimas nee ipsius parem in omni periculo animum, 
absolveruntque admiratione magis virtutis quam iure 
causae. Itaque, ut caedes manifesto aliquo tamen 
piaculo lueretur, imperatum patri ut filium expiaret 

13 pecunia publica. Is quibusdam piacularibus sacri- 
ficiis factis, quae deinde genti Horatiae tradita sunt, 
transmisso per viam tigillo capite adoperto velut sub 
iugum misit iuvenem. Id hodie quoque publice 
semper refectum manet : sororium tigillum vocant. 

14 Horatiae sepulcrum, quo loco corruerat icta, con- 
structum est saxo quadrate. 

XXVII. Nee diu pax Albana mansit. Invidia 
volgi, quod tribus militibus fortuna publica commissa 
fuerit, 1 vanum ingenium dictatoris corrupit, et^ quo- 
niam recta consilia hand bene evenerant, pravis 

1 fuerit n : fuerat HR a : foret Madvig. 

BOOK I. xxvi. lo-xxvn. i 

decked with spoils and triumphing in his victory ; B.C. 
can you bear, Quirites, to see him bound beneath 672 " e 
a fork and scourged and tortured ? Hardly could 
Alban eyes endure so hideous a sight. Go, lictor, 
bind the hands which but now, with sword and 
shield, brought imperial power to the Roman People ! 
Go, veil the head of the liberator of this city ! 
Bind him to a barren tree ! Scourge him within the 
pomerium, if you will so it be amidst yonder spears 
and trophies of our enemies or outside the pomerium 
so it be amongst the graves of the Curiatii ! For 
whither can you lead this youth where his own honours 
will not vindicate him from so foul a punishment?" 
The people could not withstand the father's tears, 
or the courage of Horatius himself, steadfast in every 
peril ; and they acquitted him, more in admiration of 
his valour than from the justice of his cause. And so, 
that the flagrant murder might yet be cleansed away, 
by some kind of expiatory rite, the father was com- 
manded to make atonement for his son at the public 
cost. He therefore offered certain piacular sacrifices, 
which were thenceforward handed down in the 
Horatian family, and, erecting a beam across the 
street, to typify a yoke, he made his son pass under 
it, with covered head. It remains to this day, being 
restored from time to time at the state's expense, and 
is known as " the Sister's Beam." Horatia's tomb, 
of hewn stone, was built on the place where she had 
been struck down. 

XXVII. But the peace with Alba did not last 
long. The discontent of the people, who criticized 
the dictator for having confided the nation's welfare 
to three soldiers, broke down his weak character, 
and since honest measures had proved unsuccessful, 



A.U.C. 2 reconciliare popularium animos coepit. Igitur, ut 


prius in bello pacem, sic in pace belluni quaerens, 
quia suae civitati animorum plus quam virium cerne- 
bat esse, ad bell urn palam atque ex edicto gerundum 
alios concitat populos, suis per speciem societatis 

3 proditionem reservat. Fidenates colonia Romana 
Veientibus sociis consilii adsumptis pacto transitionis 

4 Albanorum ad bellum atque arma incitantur. Cum 
Fidenae aperte descissent, Tullus Mettio exercituque 
eius ab Alba accito contra hostes ducit. Ubi Ani- 
enem transiit, 1 ad confluentis conlocat castra. Inter 
eum locum et Fidenas Veientium exercitus Tiberim 

6 transierat. Hi in 2 acie prope flumen tenuere dex- 
trum cornu : in sinistro Fidenates propius montes 
consistunt. Tullus adversus Veientem hostem deri- 
git 3 suos, Albanos contra legionem Fidenatium con- 
locat. Albano non plus animi erat quam fidei. Nee 
manere ergo nee transire aperte ausus sensim ad 

6 montes succedit ; inde, ubi satis subisse sese ratus 
est, erigit totam aciem, fluctuansque animo ut tereret 
tempus ordines explicat. Consilium erat, qua for- 

7 tuna rem daret ea inclinare vires. Miraculo primo 
esse Romanis qui proximi steterant, ut nudari latera 
sua sociorum digressu senserunt ; inde eques citato 

1 transiit Z> 2 $- : transierat /$- : transit n. 

2 hi iu Weissenborn : hi (or hii or hie) et in fl. 
8 derigit PL : dirigit rt. 


BOOK I. xxvn. 1-7 

he resorted to evil ones to regain the favour of his B.C. 
countrymen. Accordingly, just as in war he had 672 ~ 640 
sought peace, so now in time of peace he desired 
war. But seeing that his own state was richer in 
courage than in strength, he stirred up other tribes 
to make war openly after due declaration ; while for 
his own people he reserved the part of the traitor 
under the disguise of friendship. The men of Fi- 
denae, a Roman colony, and the Veientes, whom 
they admitted to a share in their designs, were in- 
duced to commence hostilities by a promise that the 
Albans would go over to their side. Fidenae having 
openly revolted, Tullus summoned Mettius and his 
army from Alba, and led his forces against the enemy. 
Crossing the Anio, he pitched his camp at the con- 
fluence of the rivers. The Veientine army had crossed 
the Tiber between that place and Fidenae. These 
troops, drawn up next the river, formed the right 
wing ; on the left the Fidenates were posted, nearer 
the mountains. Tullus marshalled his own men against 
the Veientine enemy ; the Albans he posted opposite 
the army of Fidenae. The Alban commander was as 
wanting in courage as in loyalty. Not daring, there- 
fore, either to hold his ground or openly to desert, 
he drew off by imperceptible degrees in the direc- 
tion of the mountains. Then, when he thought he 
had got near enough to them, he brought up his 
whole battle-line to an elevated position, and still 
irresolute, deployed his ranks with the object of 
consuming time. His purpose was to swing his forces 
to the side which fortune favoured. At first the 
Romans posted next to the Albans were amazed 
when they perceived that their flank was being un- 
covered by the withdrawal of their allies ; then a 



A.U.C. equo nuntiat regi abire Albanos. Tullus in re tre- 


pida duodecim vovit Salios fanaque Pallori ac Pavori. 

8 Equitem clara increpans voce, ut hostes exaudirent, 
redire in proelium iubet : nihil trepidatione opus 
esse ; suo iussu circumduci Albanum exercitum, ut 
Fidenatium nuda terga invadant ; idem imperat ut 

9 hastas equites erigerent. 1 Id factum magnae parti 
peditum Romanorum conspectum abeuntis Albani 
exercitus intersaepsit : qui viderant, id quod ab rege 
auditum erat rati, eo acrius pugnant. Terror ad 
hostes transit ; et audiverant clara voce dictum, et 
magna pars Fidenatium, ut quibus coloni additi Ro- 

10 mani 2 essent, Latine sciebant. Itaque, ne subito 
ex collibus decursu Albanorum intercluderentur ab 
oppido, terga vertunt. Instat Tullus fusoque Fide- 
natium cornu in Veientem alieno pavore perculsum 
ferocior redit. Nee illi tulere impetum, sed ab effusa 

11 fuga flumen obiectum ab tergo arcebat. Quo post- 
quam fuga inclinavit, alii arma foede iactantes in 
aquam caeci ruebant, alii, dum cunctantur in ripis, 
inter fugae pugnaeque consilium oppressi. Non alia 
ante Romana pugna atrocior fuit. 

1 erigerent 5-: erigere erigerent iubeat M: erigerent iubeat 
(or erigere iubeat, or eriere iubeat, or erigere erigerent iubet, 
or erigere iubet) n. 

2 ut quibus . . . Romani Walters (following Tan. Faber's 
ut queis . . . Romaui) : ut qui (et qui DL) . . . Romanis fi. 


BOOK I. xxvn. 7-1 1 

horseman galloped up to the king, and told him that B.C. 
the Albans were marching off. In this crisis Tullus 672 ~ 040 
vowed to establish twelve Salian priests, 1 and to build 
shrines to Pallor and Panic. The horseman he repri- 
manded in a loud voice, that the enemy might over- 
hear him, and ordered him to go back and fight ; 
there was no occasion for alarm ; it was by his own 
command that the Alban army was marching round, 
that they might attack the unprotected rear of the 
Fidenates. He also ordered the cavalry to raise their 
spears. This manoeuvre hid the retreat of the Alban 
army from a large part of the Roman foot-soldiers ; 
those who had seen it, believing what the king had 
been heard to say, fought all the more impetuously. 
The enemy in their turn now became alarmed ; they 
had heard Tullus's loud assertion, and many of the Fi- 
denates, having had Romans among them as colonists, 
knew Latin. And so, lest the Albans should suddenly 
charge down from the hills and cut them off from 
their town, they beat a retreat. Tullus pressed them 
hard, and having routed the wing composed of the 
Fidenates, returned, bolder than ever, to the Veientes, 
who were demoralized by the panic of their neigh- 
bours. They, too, failed to withstand his attack, but 
their rout was stopped by the river in their rear. 
When they had fled thus far, some basely threw away 
their arms and rushed blindly into the water, others 
hesitated on the bank and were overtaken before they 
had made up their minds whether to flee or resist. 
Never before had the Romans fought a bloodier 

1 These were the so-called Collini, or Agonales, and were 
associated with Quirinus, as the Palatini (chap, xx.) were 
with Mars Gradivus. See also v. lii. 7. 



A.U.O. XXVIII. Turn Albanus exercitus, spectator certa- 

minis, deductus in campos. Mettius Tullo devictos 
hostes gratulatur ; contra Tullus Mettium benigne 
adloquitur. Quod bene vertat, castra Albanos Ro- 
manis castris iungere iubet ; sacrificium lustrale in 

2 diem posterum parat. Ubi inluxit, paratis omnibus, 
ut adsolet, vocari ad contionem utrumque exercitum 
iubet. Praecones ab extremo orsi primos excivere 
Albanos. Hi novitate etiam rei moti, ut regem 
Romanum contionantem audirent proximi consti- 

3 tere. Ex conposito armata circumdatur Romana 
legio ; centurionibus datum negotium erat ut sine 

4 mora imperia exsequerentur. Turn ita Tullus 
infit : 

" Romani, si umquam ante alias ullo in bello fuit 
quod primum dis immortalibus gratias ageretis, de- 
inde vestrae ipsorum virtuti, hesternum id proelium 
fuit. Dimicatum est enim non magis cum hostibus 
quam, quae dimicatio maior atque periculosior est, 

5 cum proditione ac perfidia sociorum. Nam, ne vos 
falsa opinio teneat, iniussu meo Albani subiere ad 
montes, nee imperium illud meum sed consilium et 
imperii simulatio fuit, ut nee vobis ignorantibus 
deseri vos averteretur a certamine animus et hosti- 
bus circumveniri l se ab tergo ratis terror ac fuga 

6 iniceretur. Nee ea culpa quam arguo omnium Alba- 
norum est : ducem secuti sunt, ut et vos, si quo ego 

1 circumveniri FID?: circumuenire fl. 

BOOK I. xxvin. 1-6 

XXVIII. Then the Alban army, which had been a B.P. 
spectator of the battle, was led down into the plain. 672 ~ 640 
Mettius congratulated Tullus on the conquest of his 
enemies ; Tullus replied kindly to Mettius, and com- 
manded the Albans in a good hour to join their camp 
to that of the Romans. He then made preparations 
to perform, on the morrow, a sacrifice of purification. 
At dawn, when all things were in readiness, he issued 
to both armies the customary order, convoking them 
to an assembly. The heralds, beginning at the out- 
skirts of the camp, called out the Albans first, who 
being moved by the very novelty of the occasion, 
took their stand close to the Roman king, that they 
might hear him harangue his army. The Roman 
troops, by previous arrangement, were armed and 
disposed around them, and the centurions were 
bidden to execute orders promptly. Then Tullus 
began as follows : 

" Romans, if ever anywhere in any war you 
have had reason to give thanks, first to the im- 
mortal gods and then to your own valour, it was 
in the battle of yesterday. For you fought not 
only against your enemies, but a harder and more 
dangerous fight --against the treachery and the 
perfidy of your allies. For, to undeceive you, I gave 
no orders that the Albans should draw off towards 
the mountains. What you heard was not my com- 
mand, but a trick and a pretended command, de- 
vised in order that you might not know you were 
being deserted, and so be distracted from the fight ; 
and that the enemy, thinking that they were being 
hemmed in on the rear, might be panic-stricken 
and flee. And yet this guilt which I am charging 
does not attach to all the Albans ; they but followed 



x.u.c. inde agmen declinare voluissem, fecissetis. Mettius 


ille est ductor itineris huius, Mettius idem huius 
machinator belli, Mettius foederis Romani Albanique 
ruptor. Audeat deinde talia alius, nisi in hunc in- 
signe iam documentum mortalibus dedero." 

7 Centuriones armati Mettium circumsistunt ; rex 
cetera, ut orsus erat, peragit: "Quod bonum faustum 
felixque sit populo Romano ac mihi vobisque, Albani, 
populum omnem Albanum Romam traducere in animo 
est, civitatem dare plebi, primores in patres legere, 
unam urbem, unam rem publicam facere. Ut ex uno 
quondam in duos populos divisa Albana res est, sic 

8 nunc in unum redeat. 1 ' Ad haec Albana pubes 
inermis ab armatis saepta in variis voluntatibus com- 

9 muni tamen metu cogente silentium tenet. Turn 
Tullus "Metti Fufeti," inquit, "si ipse discere posses 
fidem ac foedera servare, vivo tibi ea disciplina a me 
adhibita esset ; nunc, quoniam tuum insanabile in- 
genium est, at tu tuo supplicio doce humanum genus 
ea sancta credere quae a te violata sunt. Ut igitur 
paulo ante animum inter Fidenatem Romanamque 
rem ancipitem gessisti, ita iam corpus passim distra- 

10 hendum dabis." Exinde duabus admotis quadrigis 
in CUITUS earum distentum inligat Mettium, deinde 
in diversum Her equi concitati lacerum in utroque 

1 redeat il : redeant MO. 

BOOK I. xxvin. 6-10 

their general, as you, too, would have done, had I B.C. 
desired to lead you off anywhere. It is Mettius 6 ' 2 ~ ( 
yonder who led this march ; Mettius, too, who con- 
trived this war ; Mettius who broke the treaty be- 
tween Roman and Alban. Let another dare such a 
deed hereafter if I do not speedily visit such a pun- 
ishment on him as shall be a conspicuous warning 
to all mankind." 

Thereupon the centurions, sword in hand, sur- 
rounded Mettius, while the king proceeded : " May 
prosperity, favour, and fortune be with the Roman 
people and myself, and with you, men of Alba ! I 
purpose to bring all the Alban people over to Rome, 
to grant citizenship to their commons, to enroll the 
nobles in the senate, to make one city and one state. 
As formerly from one people the Alban nation was 
divided into two, so now let it be reunited into one." 
Hearing these words the Alban soldiers, themselves 
unarmed and fenced in by armed men, were con- 
strained, however their wishes might differ, by a 
common fear, and held their peace. Then Tullus 
said : " Mettius Fufetius, if you were capable ot 
learning, yourself, to keep faith and abide by treaties, 
you should have lived that I might teach you this ; 
as it is, since your disposition is incurable, you shall 
yet by your punishment teach the human race 
to hold sacred the obligations you have violated. 
Accordingly, just as a little while ago your heart 
was divided between the states of Fidenae and 
Rome, so now you shall give up your body to be 
torn two ways." He then brought up two four-horse 
chariots, and caused Mettius to be stretched out and 
made fast to them, after which the horses were 
whipped up in opposite directions, and bore off in 



A.U.O. curru corpus, qua inhaeserant vinculis membra, por- 
11 tantes. Avertere omnes ab tanta foeditate spec- 
taculi oculos. Primum ultimumque illud supplicium 
apud Romanes exempli parum memoris legum huma- 
narum fuit : in aliis gloriari licet nulli gentium miti- 
ores placuisse poenas. 

XXIX. Inter haec iam praemissi Albam erant 
equites qui multitudinem traducerent Romam. Le- 

2 giones deinde ductae ad diruendam urbem. Quae 
ubi iiitravere portas, non quidem fuit tumultus ille 
nee pavor, qualis captarum esse urbium solet, cum 
effractis portis stratisve ariete muris aut arce vi capta 
clamor hostilis et cursus per urbem armatorum om- 

3 nia ferro flammaque miscet ; sed silentium triste ao 
tacita maestitia ita defixit omnium animos ut prae 
metu quid l relinquerent, quid secum ferrent defi- 
ciente consilio rogitantesque alii alios nunc in limi- 
nibus starent, nunc errabundi domos suas ultimum 

4 illud visuri pervagarentur. Ut vero iam equitum 
clamor exire iubentium instabat, iam fragor tectorum 
quae diruebantur ultimis urbis partibus audiebatur, 
pulvisque ex distantibus locis ortus velut nube in- 
ducta omnia impleverat, raptim quibus quisque pote- 
rat elatis, cum larem ac penates tectaque in quibus 
natus quisque educatusque esset relinquentes exirent, 

5 iam continens agmen migrantium impleverat vias, et 

1 quid Madvig : obliti quid n. 

1 Each family had its lar, a special deity who protected 
the household, and its penales, guardians of the penus (the 
family store of provisions). 


BOOK I. xxvin. lo-xxix. 5 

each of the cars fragments of the mangled body, B.C. 
where the limbs held to their fastenings. All eyes 672 ~ 
were turned away from so dreadful a sight. Such 
was the first and last punishment among the Romans 
of a kind that disregards the laws of humanity. In 
other cases we may boast that with no nation have 
milder punishments found favour. 

XXIX. While this was going on, horsemen had 
already been sent on to Alba to fetch the inhabitants 
to Rome, and afterwards the legions were marched 
over to demolish the city. When they entered the 
gates there was not,indeed,thetumultand panic which 
usually follow the capture of a city, when its gates 
have been forced or its walls breached with a ram or 
its stronghold stormed, when the shouts of the enemy 
and the rush of armed men through the streets throw 
the whole town into a wild confusion of blood and fire. 
But at Alba oppressive silence and grief that found 
no words quite overwhelmed the spirits of all the 
people ; too dismayed to think what they should take 
with them and what leave behind, they would ask 
each other's advice again and again, now standing on 
their thresholds, and now roaming aimlessly through 
the houses they were to look upon for that last time. 
But when at length the horsemen began to be urgent, 
and clamorously commanded them to come out ; 
when they could now hear the crash of the buildings 
which were being pulled down in the outskirts of die 
city ; when the dust rising in different quarters had 
overcast the sky like a gathering cloud ; then every- 
body made haste to carry out what he could, and 
forth they went, abandoning their lares and penates, 1 
and the houses where they had been born and brought 
up. And now the streets were filled with an unbroken 


conspectus aliorum mutua miseratione integrabat 
lacrimas, vocesque etiam miserabiles exaudiebantur 
mulierum praecipue, cum obsessa ab armatis templa 
augusta praeterirent ac velut captos relinquerent 
6 deos. Egressis urbe J Albanis Romanus passim pub- 
lica privataque omiiia tecta adaequat solo, unaque 
hora quadringentorum annorum opus quibus Alba 
steterat excidio ac minis dedit; templis tamen deum 
ita eiiim edictum ab rege fuerat temperatum 

XXX. Roma interim crescit Albae ruinis. Dupli- 
catur civium numerus ; Caelius additur urbi mons, et 
quo frequentius habitaretur, earn sedem Tullus regiae 

2 capit ibique deinde 2 habitavit. Principes Alba- 
norum in patres, ut ea quoque pars rei publicae 
cresceret, legit, lulios, 3 Servilios, Quinctios, Geganios, 
Curiatios, Cloelios ; templumque ordini ab se aucto 
curiam fecit quae Hostilia usque ad patrum nostro- 

3 rum aetatem appellata est. Et ut omnium ordinum 
vivibus aliquid ex novo populo adiceretur equitum 
decem turmas ex Albanis legit, legiones et veteres 
eodem supplemento explevit et novas scripsit. 

4 Hac fiducia virium Tullus Sabinis bellum indicit, 

1 urbe 5- : urbem fl. 2 ibique deinde VM : ibique fl. 

8 lulios Sabdlicua (cf. Dion. Hal. 1. 70. and 2. 79) : 
Tullios n. 

1 When Clodius was murdered, in 52 B.C., the mob burnt 
his body in the Curia Hostilia, which caught fire and was 


BOOK I. xxix. 5~xxx. 4 

procession of emigrants, whose mutual pity, as they B.C. 
gazed at one another, caused their tears to start 672 ~ 640 
afresh ; plaintive cries too began to be heard, pro- 
ceeding chiefly from the women, when they passed 
the venerable temples beset by armed men, and left 
in captivity, as it seemed to them, their gods. When 
the Albans had quitted the city, the Romans every- 
where levelled with the ground all buildings, both 
public and private, and a single hour gave over to 
destruction and desolation the work of the four 
hundred years during which Alba had stood. But 
the temples of the gods were spared, for so the king 
had decreed. 

XXX. Rome, meanwhile, was increased by Alba's 
downfall. The number of citizens was doubled, the 
Caelian Hill was added to the City, and, that it might 
be more thickly settled, Tullus chose it for the site 
of the king's house and from that time onwards 
resided there. The chief men of the Albans he made 
senators, that this branch of the nation might grow 
too. Such were the Julii, the Servilii, the Quinctii, 
the Geganii, the Curiatii, and the Cloelii. He also 
built, as a consecrated place for the order he had en- 
larged, a senate-house, which continued to be called 
the Curia Hostilia as late as the time of our own 
fathers. 1 And that all the orders might gain some 
strength from the new people, he enrolled ten 
squadrons of knights 2 from among the Albans, and 
from the same source filled up the old legions and 
enlisted new ones. 

Confiding in these forces, Tullus declared war on 

2 Each squadron contained thirty men. The total number 
was, therefore, the same as that of the three centuries of 

I0 7 


A.U.C. genti ea tempestate secundum Etruscos opulentis- 


5 simae viris armisque. Utrimque iniuriae factae ac 
res nequiquam erant repetitae. Tullus ad Feroniae 
fanum mercatu frequent! negotiators Roman os com- 
prehensos querebatur, Sabini suos prius in lucum 
confugisse ac Romae retentos. Hae causae belli 

6 ferebantur. Sabini, baud parum memores et suarum 
virium partem Romae ab Tatio locatam et Romanam 
rem nuper etiam adiectione populi Albani auctam, 

7 circumspicere et ipsi externa auxilia. Etruria erat 
vicina, proximi Etruscorum Veientes. Inde ob resi- 
duas bellorum iras maxime sollicitatis ad defectionem 
animis voluntaries traxere, et apud vagos quosdam 
ex inopi plebe etiam merces valuit. Publico auxilio 
nullo adiuti sunt, valuitque apud Veientes nam de 
ceteris minus mirum est pacta cum Romulo iiiduti- 

8 arum fides. Cum bellum utrimque summa ope para- 
rent, vertique in eo res videretur, utri prius arma 
inferrent, occupat Tullus in agrum Sabinum transire. 

9 Pugna atrox ad silvam Malitiosam fuit, ubi et pedi- 
tum quidem robore, ceterum equitatu aucto nuper 

10 plurimum Romana acies valuit. Ab equitibus re- 
pente invectis turbati ordines sunt Sabinorum ; nee 
pugna deinde illis constare nee fuga explicari sine 
magna caede potuit. 

1 i.e. " Guileful Wood." 
1 08 

BOOK I. xxx. 4-10 

the Sabines, a nation second only at that time to B.C. 
the Etruscans in its wealth of men and arms. On 672 ~ 640 
either side there had been aggressions and refusals to 
grant satisfaction. Tullus complained that at the 
shrine of Feronia, in a crowded fair, Roman traders 
had been seized; the Sabines alleged that, before this, 
refugees from their country had fled to the grove of 
sanctuary, and had been detained in Rome. These 
were put forward as the causes of war. The Sabines, 
not forgetting that a portion of their own forces had 
been settled in Rome by Tatius and that the Roman 
state had recently been further strengthened by the 
addition of the Alban people, began themselves to 
look about for outside help. Etruria was close by, 
and the nearest of the Etruscans were the Veientes. 
There the resentment left over from the wars was the 
strongest incentive to revolt, and procured them some 
volunteers ; while with certain vagrant and poverty- 
stricken plebeians even the prospect of pay was 
effectual. Official aid there was none, and the Veientes 
(for there is less to surprise us in the others) held firmly 
to the truce they had agreed upon with Romulus. 
While preparations for war were making on both sides 
with the greatest energy, and success appeared to 
hinge upon which should first take the field, Tullus 
anticipated his enemies and invaded the Sabine 
country. A desperate battle was fought near the 
Silva Malitiosa, 1 where, owing partly, it is true, to 
the strength of their infantry, but most of all to their 
newly augmented cavalry, the Roman army gained 
the mastery. The cavalry made a sudden charge ; 
the ranks of the Sabines were thrown into disorder, 
and from that moment were unable, without heavy 
loss, either to hold their own in the fight or to 

extricate themselves by a retreat. 



A.U.C. XXXI. Devictis Sabinis cum in maffna gloria mag- 


nisque opibus regnum Tulli ac tota res Romana esset, 
nuntiatum regi patribusque est in monte Albano 

2 lapidibus pluvisse. Quod cum credi vix posset, missis 
ad id visendum prodigium, in conspectu baud aliter 
quam cum grandinem venti glomeratam in terras 

3 agunt, crebri cecidere caelo lapides. Visi etiam au- 
dire vocem ingentem ex summi cacuminis luco, ut 
patrio ritu sacra Albani facerent, quae velut dis 
quoque simul cum patria relictis oblivioni dederant, 
et aut Romana sacra susceperant aut fortunae, ut fit, 

4 obirati cultum reliquerant deurn. Romanis quoque 
ab eodem prodigio novendiale sacrum publice sus- 
ceptum est, seu voce caclesti ex Albano monte missa 
nam id quoque traditur seu haruspicum monitu ; 
mansit certe sollemne, ut quandoque idem prodigium 
nuntiaretur, f'eriae per novem dies agerentur. 

5 Hand ita multo post pestilentia laboratum est. 
Unde cum pigritia militandi oreretur, nulla tamen 
ab armis quies dabatur a bellicoso rege, salubriora 
etiam credente militiae quam domi iuvenum corpora 
esse, donee ipse quoque longinquo morbo est impli- 

6 citus. Tune adeo fracti simul cum corpore sunt 
spiritus illi feroces, ut qui iiihil ante ratus esset 
minus regium quam sacris dedere animum, repente 
omnibus magnis parvisque superstitionibus obnoxius 

BOOK I. xxxi. 1-6 

XXXI. After the defeat of the Sabines, when B.C. 
King Tullus and the entire Roman state were at a 672 ~ 640 
high pitch of glory and prosperity, it was reported to 
the king and senators that there had been a rain of 
stones on the Alban Mount. As this could scarce be 
credited, envoys were dispatched to examine the 
prodigy, and in their sight there fell from the sky, 
like hail-stones which the wind piles in drifts upon 
the ground, a shower of pebbles. They thought too 
that they heard a mighty voice issuing from the grove 
on the mountain-top, which commanded the Albans 
to celebrate, according to the fashion of their fathers, 
the sacrifices, which as though they had forsaken 
their gods along with their city, they had given over 
to oblivion, either adopting Roman rites, or in anger 
at their fortune, such as men sometimes feel, 
abandoning the worship of the gods. The Romans 
also, in consequence of the same portent, undertook 
an official nine days' celebration, whether so com- 
manded by the divine utterance from the Alban 
Mount for this too is handed down or on the 
advice of soothsayers. At all events it remained a 
regular custom that whenever the same prodigy was 
reported there should be a nine days' observance. 

Not very long after this Rome was afflicted with a 
pestilence. This caused a reluctance to bear arms, 
yet no respite from service was allowed by the war- 
like king (who believed, besides, that the young men 
were healthier in the field than at home) until he 
himself contracted a lingering illness. Then that 
haughty spirit was so broken, with the breaking of 
his health, that he who had hitherto thought nothing 
less worthy of a king than to devote his mind to 
sacred rites, suddenly became a prey to all sorts of 



A.U.C. degeret religionibusque etiam populum impleret. 


7 Vulgo iam homines eum statum rerum qui sub 
Numa rege fuerat requirentes, unam opem aegris 
corporibus relictam, si pax veniaque ab dis impetrata 

8 esset, credebant. Ipsum regem tradunt volventem 
commentarios Numae, cum ibi quaedam occulta sol- 
lemnia sacrificia lovi Elicio facta invenisset, opera- 
turn iis ] sacris se abdidisse ; sed non rite initum aut 
curatum id sacrum esse, nee solum nullam ei oblatam 
caelestium speciem, sed ira lovis sollicitati prava 
religione fulmine ictum cum domo conflagrasse. 
Tullus magna gloria belli regnavit annos duos et 

A.U.C. XXXII. Mortuo Tullo res. ut institutum iam inde 


ab initio erat, ad patres redierat, hique interregem 
nominaverant. Quo comitia habente Ancum Mar- 
cium regem populus creavit ; patres fuere auctores. 
Numae Pompili regis nepos, filia ortus, Ancus Mar- 
2 cius erat. Qui ut regnare coepit, et avitae gloriae 
memor et quia proximum regnum, cetera egregium, 
ab una parte baud satis prosperum fuerat, aut neg- 
lectis religionibus aut prave cultis, longe 2 antiquissi- 
mum ratus sacra publica ut ab Numa instituta erant 
facere, omnia ea ex commentariis regis pontificem in 
album relata 3 proponere in publico iubet. Inde et 

1 iis 5- : is or his fl. ' longe g-Gronov.: longeque n. 

3 relata Sabtllicus : elata (elatain Al 3 ) n. 


BOOK I. xxxi. 6-xxxn. 2 

superstitions great and small, and filled even the B.C. 
minds of the people with religious scruples. Men 672 ~ 640 
were now agreed in wishing to recall the conditions 
which had obtained under King Numa, believing that 
the only remedy left for their ailing bodies was to 
procure peace and forgiveness from the gods. The 
king himself, so tradition tells, in turning over the 
commentaries of Numa discovered there certain 
occult sacrifices performed in honour of JupiterElicius, 
and devoted himself in secret to those rites ; but the 
ceremony was improperly undertaken or performed, 
and not only was no divine manifestation vouchsafed 
him, but in consequence of the wrath of Jupiter, 
who was provoked by his faulty observance, he was 
struck by a thunderbolt and consumed in the flames 
of his house. Tullus was greatly renowned in war 
and reigned thirty-two years. 

XXXII. On the death of Tullus, the government B.C. 
reverted, in accordance with the custom established 
in the beginning, to the seaators, who named an 
interrex. This official called together the comitia, and 
the people elected Ancus Marcius king, a choice 
which the Fathers ratified. Ancus Marcius was a 
grandson, on the mother's side, of King Numa Pompi- 
lius. When he began to rule he was mindful of his 
grandfather's glory, and considered that the last 
reign, excellent in all else, had failed to prosper in one 
respect, owing to neglect or misconduct of religious 
observances. Deeming it therefore a matter of the 
utmost consequence to perform the state sacrifices as 
Numa had established them, he bade the pontifex 
copy out all these from the commentaries of the king 
and display them in public on a whitened table. 
This act led the citizens, who were eager for peace, 



A.U.C. civibus otii cupiclis et finitimis civitatibus facta spes 

114-138 . L . L , .. T * 

3 in avi mores atque mstituta regem abiturum. Igitur 
Latini, cum quibus Tullo regnante ictum foedus erat, 
sustulerant animos, et cum incursionem in agrum Ro- 
manum fecissent, repetentibus res Romanis superbe 
responsum reddunt, desidem Romanum regem inter 

4 sacella et aras acturum esse regnum rati. Medium 
erat in Anco ingenium, et Numae et Romuli memor; 
et praeterquam quod avi regno magis necessariam 
fuisse pacem credebat cum in novo turn feroci populo, 
etiam quod illi contigisset otium sine iniuria, id se 
hand facile habiturum ; temptari patientiam et temp- 
tatam contemni, temporaque esse Tullo regi aptiora 

5 quam Numae. Ut tamen, quoniam Numa in pace 
religiones instituisset, a se bellicae caerimoniae 
proderentur, nee gererentur solum sed etiam in- 
dicerentur bella aliquo ritu, ius ab antiqua gente 
Aequicolis, quod nunc fetiales habent, descripsit quo 
res repetuntur. 

G Legatus ubi ad fines eorum venit unde res re- 
petuntur, capite velato filo lanae velamen est 
" Audi, luppiter," inquit ; "audite, fines" cuius- 
cumque geiitis sunt nominat ; " audiat fas. Ego 
sum publicus nuntius populi Romani ; iuste pieque 
legatus venio verbisque meis fides sit." Peragit 

1 The institution of the fetials was ascribed in chap. xxiv. 
to Tullus (so also Cic. Rep. ii. 31). Livy is here following 
another authority, without taking the trouble to remove the 
discrepancy. Other writers (Dion. ii. 72; Plut. Numa xii.) 
credit Numa with the institution. 


BOOK I. xxxn. 2-6 

and also the neighbouring nations, to hope that he B.C. 
would adopt the character and institutions of his 6 
grandfather. Hence the Latins, with whom a treaty 
had been made in the time of Tullus, plucked up 
courage, and raided Roman territory, and when called 
on by the Romans to make restitution, returned an 
arrogant answer, persuaded that the Roman king 
would spend his reign in inactivity amid shrines 
and altars. But the character of Ancus was well 
balanced, and he honoured the memory of Romulus, 
as well as Numa. And besides having a convic- 
tion that peace had been more necessary to his 
grandfather's reign, when the nation had been both 
young and mettlesome, he also believed that the 
tranquillity, so free of attack, which had fallen to 
the lot of Numa would be no easy thing for him- 
self to compass ; his patience was being tried, and 
when proved would be regarded with contempt, 
and in short the times were better suited to the rule 
of a Tullus than a Numa. In order however that, as 
Numa had instituted religious practices in time of 
peace, he might himself give out a ceremonial of war, 
and that wars might not only be waged but also 
declared with some sort of formality, he copied from 
the ancient tribe of the Aequicoli the law, which the 
fetials now have, 1 by which redress is demanded. 

When the envoy has arrived at the frontiers of the 
people from whom satisfaction is sought, he covers 
his head with a bonnet the covering is of wool and 
says: "Hear, Jupiter; hear, ye boundaries of" 
naming whatever nation they belong to; "let 
righteousness hear ! I am the public herald of the 
Roman People ; I come duly and religiously com- 
missioned ; let my words be credited." Then he 



A.D.C. 7 deinde postulata. Inde lovem testem facit : "Si ego 
iniuste impieque illos homines illasque res dedier 
mihi 1 exposco, turn patriae compotem me numquam 

8 siris esse." Haec cum fines suprascandit, haec qui- 
cumque ei primus vir obvius fuerit, haec portam 
ingrediens, haec forum ingressus, paucis verbis car- 
minis concipiendique iuris iurandi mutatis, peragit. 

9 Si non deduntur quos exposcit diebus tribus et tri- 
ginta tot enim sollemnes suiit peractis bellum ita 

10 indicit : "Audi, luppiter, et tu, lane 2 Quirine, dique 
omnes caelestes vosque, terrestres, vosque, inferni, 
audite. Ego vos tester populum ilium" quicumque 
est nominat " iniustum esse neque ius persolvere. 
Sed de istis rebus in patria maiores natu consulemus 
quo pacto ius nostrum adipiscamur." Turn 3 nuntius 
Romam ad coiisulendum redit. Confestim rex his 4 

11 ferine verbis patres consulebat : "Quarum rerum, 
litium, causarum condixit pater patratus populi Ro- 
mani Quiritium patri patrato Priscorum Latinorum 
hominibusque Priscis Latinis/ quas res nee dederunt 
nee solverunt nee fecerunt, quas res dari, solvi, fieri 6 
oportuit, die/' inquit ei 7 quern primum sententiam 

12 rogabat, " quid censes?" Turn ille : " Puro pioque 
duello quaerendas censeo itaque consentio conscis- 
coque." Inde ordine alii rogabantur; quandoque 

1 mihi MV: p. r. (or Po R or populi romani or nuntio 
populi Romani) mihi (michi 0) n. 
a lane Perizoniux : iuno n. 

3 turn Hachtmann : cum R : cum his (or iis or is) n. 

4 rex his Gruter : rex ex his (exis D) fl. 

fi Priscis Latinis 0? : priscis uel latinis n. 

6 solvi fieri Aid. : fieri solui (solui F) n. 

7 ei M l (or M z ] R^ : et n. 


BOOK I. xxxn. 6-12 

recites his demands, after which he takes Jupiter to B.C. 
witness : " If I demand unduly and against religion 
that these men and these things be surrendered to 
me, then let me never enjoy my native land." These 
words he rehearses when he crosses the boundary line, 
the same to what man soever first meets him, the 
same when he enters the city gates, the same when 
he has come into the market-place, with only a few 
changes in the form and wording of the oath. If 
those whom he demands are not surrendered, at the 
end of three and thirty days for such is the con- 
ventional number he declares war thus : " Hear, 
Jupiter, and thou, Janus Quirinus, and hear all 
heavenly gods, and ye, gods of earth, and ye of the 
lower world ; I call you to witness that this people ' 
naming whatever people it is " is unjust, and does 
not make just reparation. But of these matters we 
will take counsel of the elders in our country, how 
we may obtain our right." Then the messenger 
returns to Rome for the consultation. Immediately 
the king would consult the Fathers, in some such 
words as these : " Touching the things, the suits, the 
causes, concerning which the pater patratus of the 
Roman People of the Quirites has made demands on 
the pater patratus of the Ancient Latins, and upon 
the men of the Ancient Latins, which things they 
have not delivered, nor fulfilled, nor satisfied, being 
things which ought to have been delivered, fulfilled, 
and satisfied, speak," turning to the man whose 
opinion he was wont to ask first, "what think you ?" 
Then the other would reply: "I hold that those things 
ought to be sought in warfare just and righteous ; and 
so I consent and vote." The others were then asked 
the question, in their order, and when the majority 



A.U.O. pars maior eorum qui aderant in eandein sententiam 

1 1 4. 1 ^fl 

ibat, bellum erat consensum. Fieri solitum lit fetialis 
hastam ferratam aut praeustam sanguinearn 1 ad fines 
eorum ferret et non minus tribus puberibus praesen- 

13 tibus diceret : "Quod populi Priscorum Latinorum 
hominesque 2 Prisci Latini adversus populum Roma- 
num Quiritium fecerunt, deliquerunt, quod populus 
Romanus Quiritium bellum cum Priscis Latinis iussit 
esse senatusque 3 populi Romani Quiritium censuit, 
consensit, conscivit, ut bellum cum Priscis Latinis 
fieret, ob earn rem ego populusque Romanus populis 
Priscorum Latinorum hominibusque Priscis Latinis 
bellum indico facioque." Id ubi dixisset, hastam in 

14 fines eorum emittebat. Hoc turn modo ab Latinis 
repetitae res ac bellum indictum, moremque eum 
posteri acceperunt. 

XXXIII. Ancus demandata cura sacrorum flami- 
nibus sacerdotibusque aliis, exercitu novo conscripto 
profectus, Politorium, urbem Latinorum, vi cepit, 
secutusque morem regum priorum, qui rem Romanam 
auxerant hostibus in civitatem accipiendis, multitu- 

2 dinem omnem Romam traduxit, et cum circa Pala- 
tium, sedem veterum 4 Romanorunij Sabini Capitolium 
atque arcem, Caelium montem Albani implessent, 
Aventinum novae multitudini datum. Additi eodem 
baud ita multo post, Tellenis Ficanaque captis, novi 

3 cives. Politorium inde rursus bello repetitum, quod 

1 praeustam sauguineam Madvig : sanguineam praeustam 1 

2 horainesque Sigonius : hominesue (homines M) H. 

3 senatusque $- : senatusue n. 

4 veterum MP Z OH : veterem A. 


BOOK I. xxxn. 12-xxxin. 3 

of those present went over to the same opinion, war B.C. 
had been agreed upon. It was customary for the fetial 
to carry to the bounds of the other nation a cornet- 
wood spear, iron-pointed or hardened in the fire, and 
in the presence of not less than three grown men to 
say : " Whereas the tribes of the Ancient Latins and 
men of the Ancient Latins have been guilty of acts 
and offences against the Roman People of the Quirites; 
and whereas the Roman People of the Quirites has 
commanded that war be made on the Ancient Latins, 
and the Senate of the Roman People has approved, 
agreed, and voted a war with the Ancient Latins ; I 
therefore and the Roman People declare and make 
war on the tribes of the Ancient Latins and the men 
of the Ancient Latins." Having said this, he would 
hurl his spear into their territory. This is the manner 
in which at that time redress was sought from the 
Latins and war was declared, and the custom has 
been received by later generations. 

XXXIII. Ancus delegated the care of the sacrifices 
to the flamens and other priests, and having enlisted 
a new army proceeded to Politorium, one of the Latin 
cities. He took this place by storm, and adopting 
the plan of former kings, who had enlarged the state 
by making her enemies citizens, transferred the 
whole population to Rome. The Palatine was the 
quarter of the original Romans ; on the one hand 
were the Sabines, who had the Capitol and the Citadel; 
on the other lay the Caelian, occupied by the Albans. 
The Aventine was therefore assigned to the new- 
comers, and thither too were sent shortly afterwards 
the citizens recruited from the captured towns of 
Tellenae and Ficana. Politorium was then attacked 



vacuum occupaverant Prisci Latini ; eaque causa 
diruendae urbis eius fuit Romanis, ne hostium sem- 

4 per receptaculum esset. Postremo onuii bello Latino 
Medulliam compulso aliquamdiu ibi Marte incerto, 
varia victoria pugnatum est ; nam et urbs tuta muni- 
tionibus praesidioque firmata valido erat, et castris in 
aperto positis aliquotiens exercitus Latinus comminus 

6 cum Romanis signa contulerat. Ad ultimum omni- 
bus copiis conisus Ancus acie primum vincit ; inde 
ingenti praeda potens Romam redit, turn quoque 
multis milibus Latinorum in civitatem acceptis, qui- 
bus, ut iuiigeretur Palatio Aventinum, ad Murciae 

6 datae sedes. laniculum quoque adiectum, non ino- 
pia loci, sed ne quando ea arx hostium esset. Id non 
muniri 1 sol urn sed etiam ob commoditatem itineris 
ponte sublicio, turn primum in Tiberi facto, coniungi 

7 urbi placuit. Quiritium quoque fossa, baud parvum 
munimentum a planioribus aditu locis, Anci regis 
opus est. 

8 Ingenti incremento rebus auctis cum in tanta 
multitudine hominum, discrimine recte an per- 
peram facti confuso, facinora clandestina fierent, 
career ad terrorem increscentis audaciae media urbe 

1 muuiri H. J. Mueller : muro n. 

1 This was the famous Pons Sublicius, "Pile Bridge," 
made of wood, without metal of any sort. 


BOOK I. xxxin. 3-8 
a second time, for having been left empty it had been B.C. 

A*' f Af\ t"[ fi 

seized by the Ancient Latins, and this gave the 
Romans an excuse for razing the town, lest it should 
serve continually as a refuge for their enemies. In 
the end the Latin levies were all forced back upon 
Medullia, where for some time the fighting was 
indecisive and victory shifted from one side to the 
other ; for the city was protected by fortifications and 
was defended by a strong garrison, and from their 
camp in the open plain the Latin army several times 
came to close quarters with the Romans. At last, 
throwing all his troops into the struggle, Ancus 
succeeded first in defeating the enemy's army, and 
then in capturing the town, whence he returned to 
Rome enriched with immense spoils. On this oc- 
casion also many thousands of Latins were granted 
citizenship. These people, in order that the Aventine 
might be connected with the Palatine, were made to 


settle in the region of the Altar of Murcia. Janiculum 
was also annexed to the city, not from any lack of 
room, but lest it might some day become a strong- 
hold of Rome's enemies. It was decided not only to 
fortify it, but also to connect it with the City, for 
greater ease in passing to and fro, by a bridge ot 
piles, the first bridge ever built over the Tiber. 1 
The Quirites' Ditch also, no small protection on the 
more level and accessible side of town, was the work 
of King Ancus. 

When these enormous additions to the com- 
munity had been effected, it was found that in so 
great a multitude the distinction between right 
and wrong had become obscured, and crimes were 
being secretly committed. Accordingly, to overawe 
men's growing lawlessness, a prison was built in 



A.U.C. 9 inminens foro aedificatur. Nee urbs tan turn hoc 
rege crevit, sed etiam ager finesque. Silva Maesia 
Veientibus adempta usque ad mare imperium pro- 
latum et in ore Tiberis Ostia urbs condita, salinae 
circa factae, egregieque rebus bello gestis aedis lovis 
Feretri amplificata. 

XXXIV. Anco regnante Lucumo, vir impiger ac 
divitiis poteiis, Romam commigravit, cupidine maxi- 
me ac spe magni honoris, cuius adipiscendi Tarquiniis 
nam ibi quoque peregrina stirpe oriundus erat 

2 facultas non fuerat. Demarati Corinthii filius erat, 
qui ob seditiones domo profugus cum Tarquiniis 
forte consedisset, uxore ibi ducta duos filios genuit. 
Nomina his Lucumo atque Arruns fuerunt. Lucumo 
superfuit patri bonorum omnium heres : Arruns prior 

3 quam pater moritur uxore gravida relicta. Nee diu 
mariet superstes filio pater ; qui cum, ignorans nu- 
rum ventrem ferre, immemor in testando nepotis 
decessisset, puero post avi mortem in nullam sortem 
bonorum nato ab inopia Egerio inditum noinen. 
Lucumoni contra omnium heredi bonorum cum divi- 

4 tiae iam animos facerent, auxit ducta in matrimo- 
nium Tanaquil summo loco nata, et quae haud facile 
iis in quibus nata erat humiliora sineret ea quo 

1 This prison, the Career, may still be seen at the foot of 
the Capitoline, between the Temple of Concord and the 
Curia. It is thought to be as old as any structure in Rome. 
It was used as a place of detention and execution for con- 
demned criminals. a i.e. "Necessitous." 


BOOK I. xxxin. 8-xxxiv. 4 

the midst of the city, above the Forum. 1 And B.C. 
this reign was a period of growth, not only for the 
City, but also for her lands and boundaries. The 
Maesian Forest was taken from the Veientes, ex- 
tending Rome's dominion clear to the sea ; at the 
Tiber's mouth the city of Ostia was founded, and 
salt-works were established near-by ; while in recog- 
nition of signal success in war the temple of Jupiter 
Feretrius was enlarged. 

XXXIV. In the reign of Ancus one Lucumo, a man 
of energy and wealth, took up his residence in Rome, 
chiefly from ambition and the hope that he might 
there achieve a station such as he had found no op- 
portunity of attaining in Tarquinii ; for though he 
had been born there himself, his race was alien to 
that place also. He was the son of Demaratus of 
Corinth, who had been driven from home by a 
political upheaval. Happening to settle in Tarquinii, 
he had married there and had tw r o sons,named Lucumo 
and Arruns. Lucumo survived his father and in- 
herited all his property ; Arruns died before his father, 
leaving his wife with child. Demaratus did not long 


survive Arruns, and, unaware that his son's wife was 
to become a mother, he died without making pro- 
vision for his grandson in his will. When the babe 
was born his grandfather was dead, and having no 
share in the inheritance, he was given the name of 
Egerius, 2 in consequence of his penniless condition. 
LucumOj on the other hand, was heir to the whole 
estate. The self-confidence implanted in his bosom 
by his wealth was heightened by his marriage with 
Tanaquil, who was a woman of the most exalted 
birth, and not of a character lightly to endure a 
humbler rank in her new environment than she had 



A.U.C. 5 innupsisset. 1 Spernentibus Etruscis Lucumonem 


exsule 2 advena ortum, ferre indignitatem non potuit 
oblitaque ingenitae erga patriam caritatis, dummodo 
virum honoratum videret, consilium migraiidi ab 

6 Tarquiniis cepit. Roma est ad id potissima 3 visa : 
in novo populo, ubi omnis repentina atque ex virtute 
nobilitas sit, futurum locum forti ac strenuo viro ; 
regnasse Tatium Sabinum, arcessitum in regnum 
Numam a Curibus, et Ancum Sabina matre ortum 

7 nobilemque una imagine Numae esse. Facile per- 
suadet ut cupido honorum et cui Tarquinii materna 
tantum patria esset. Sublatis itaque rebus amigrant 

8 Romam. Ad laniculum forte veiitum erat. Ibi ei 
carpento sedenti cum uxore aquila suspensis demissa 
leniter 4 alis pilleum aufert, superque carpentum 
cum magno clangore volitans, rursus velut ministerio 
divinitus missa capiti apte reponit ; inde sublimis 

9 abiit. Accepisse id augurium laeta dicitur Tanaquil, 
perita, ut volgo Etrusci, caelestium prodigiorum 
mulier. Excelsa et alta sperare conplexa virum 
iubet : earn alitem, ea regione caeli et eius dei nun- 
tiam venisse, circa summum culmen hominis auspi- 
cium fecisse, levasse humano superpositum capiti 

1 ea quo innupsisset Weissenborn : ac cum (or hec cum or 
ea cum) innupsisset n. 2 exsule R*F 3 5- : exulem n. 

3 potissima Gronov. : potissimum fl. 

4 leniter 5- : leuiter H. 

I2 4 

BOOK I. xxxiv. 4-9 

enjoyed in the condition to which she had been born. B .c. 
The Etruscans looked with disdain on Lucumo, the 64(W51G 
son of a banished man and a stranger. She could 
not endure this indignity, and forgetting the love she 
owed her native land, if she could only see her hus- 
band honoured, she formed the project of emigrating 
from Tarquinii. Rome appeared to be the most 
suitable place for her purpose ; amongst a new people, 
where all rank was of sudden growth and founded on 
worth, there would be room for a brave and strenuous 
man ; the City had been ruled by Tatius the Sabine, 
it had summoned Numa to the sovereignty from Cures, 
even Ancus was the son of a Sabine mother, and 
could point to no noble ancestor but Numa. She 
had no trouble in persuading a man who was eager 
for distinction, to whom Tarquinii was only his 
mother's birthplace. They therefore gathered their 
possessions together and removed to Rome. They 
had come, as it happened, as far as Janiculum, 
when, as they were sitting in their covered waggon, 
an eagle poised on its wings gently descended upon 
them and plucked off Lucumo's cap, after which, 
rising noisily above the car and again stooping, as if 
sent from heaven for that service, it deftly replaced 
the cap upon his head, and departed on high. This 
augury was joyfully accepted, it is said, by Tanaquil, 
who was a woman skilled in celestial prodigies, as 
was the case with most Etruscans. Embracing her 
husband, she bade him expect transcendent greatness : 
such was the meaning of that bird, appearing from 
that quarter of the sky, and bringing tidings from 
that god ; the highest part of the man had been 
concerned in the omen ; the eagle had removed the 
adornment placed upon a mortal's head that it might 


VOL. I. F 


A.U.C. 10 decus. ut divinitus eidem redderet. Has spes 


tationesque secum portantes urbem ingress! sunt, 
domicilioque ibi com para to L. Tarquinium Priscum 

11 edidere nomen. Romanis conspicuum eum novitas 
divitiaeque faciebant ; et ipse fortunam benigno ad- 
loquio, comitate invitandi beneficiisque quos poterat 
sibi conciliando adiuvabat, donee in regiam quoque 

12 de eo fama perlata est. / Notitiamque earn brevi apud 
regem liberaliter dextereque obeundo officia in fami- 
liaris amicitiae adduxerat iura, ut publicis pariter ac 
privatis consiliis bello domique interesset et per om- 
nia expertus postremo tutor etiam liberis regis tes- 
tamento institueretur. 

138-176 XXXV. Regnavit Ancus annos quattuor et viginti, 

cuilibet superiorum regum belli pacisque et artibus 
et gloria par. lam filii prope puberem aetatem 
erant. Eo magis Tarquinius instare ut quam pri- 

2 mum comitia regi creando fierent ; quibus indictis 
sub tempus pueros venatum ablegavit. Isque primus 
et petisse ambitiose regnum et orationem dicitur 
habuisse ad conciliandos plebis animos compositam : 

3 se l non rem novam petere, quippe qui non primus, 
quod quisquam indignari mirarive posset, sed tertius 
Romae peregrinus regnum adfectet ; et Tatium non 
ex peregrino solum, sed etiam ex hoste regem fac- 
tunij et Numam ignarum urbis non petentem in 

1 se Duker: cum (turn F l ) se n. 

BOOK I. xxxiv. 9-xxxv. 3 

restore it with the divine approbation. Such were B.C. 
their hopes and their reflections as they entered the 64 - 616 
City. Having obtained a house, they gave out the 
name of Lucius Tarquinius Priscus. The Romans 
regarded him with special interest, as a stranger and 
a man of wealth, and he steadily pushed his fortune 
by his own exertions, making friends wherever pos- 
sible, by kind words, courteous hospitality, and bene- 
factions, until his reputation extended even to the 
palace. He had not long been known in this way to 
the king before the liberality and adroitness of his 
services procured him the footing of an intimate 
friend. He was now consulted in matters both of 
public and private importance, in time of war and in 
time of peace, and having been tested in every way 
was eventually even named in the king's will as 
guardian of his children. 

XXXV. Ancus reigned four and twenty years, a B.C. 
king inferior to none of his predecessors in the arts 616 ~ 578 
of peace and war and in the reputation they conferred. 
By this time his sons were nearly grown. Tarquinius 
was therefore all the more insistent in urging that 
the comitia should be held without delay to choose a 
king. When the meeting had been proclaimed, and 
the day drew near, he sent the boys away on a hunt- 
ing expedition. Tarquinius was the first, they say, 
to canvass votes for the kingship and to deliver a 
speech designed to win the favour of the commons. 
He pointed out that it was no new thing he sought ; 
he was not the first outsider to aim at the sovereignty 
in Rome a thing which might have occasioned 
indignation and astonishment, but the third. Tatius 
indeed, had been not merely an alien but an enemy 
when he was made king ; while Numa was a stranger 



A.U.C. 4 regnum ultro accitum : se, ex quo sui potens fuerit, 


Romam cum coniuge ac fortunis omnibus commi- 
grasse ; maiorem partem aetatis eius qua civilibus 
officiis fungantur homines, Romae se quam in vetere 

5 patria vixisse ; domi militiaeque sub haud paenitendo 
magistro, ipso Anco rege, Romana se iura, Romanos 
ritus didicisse ; obsequio et observantia in regem 
cum omnibus, benignitate erga alios cum rege ipso 

G certasse. Haec eum haud falsa memorantem ingenti 
consensu populus Romanus regnare iussit. Ergo 
virum cetera egregium secuta quam in petendo 
habuerat etiam regiiantem ambitio est ; nee minus 
regni sui firmandi quam augendae rei publicae 
memor centum in patres legit, qui deinde minorum 
gentium sunt appellati, factio haud dubia regis, cuius 
beneficio in curiam venerant. 

7 Bellum primum cum Latinis gessit, et oppidum 
ibi Apiolas vi cepit, praedaque inde maiore quam 
quanta belli fama fuerat revecta, ludos ppulentius 

8 instructiusque quam priores reges fecit. Turn pri- 
mum circo qui nunc maximus dicitur designatus 
locus est. Loca divisa patribus equitibusque ubi 
spectacula sibi quisque facerent; fori appellati. 

1 The senate had doubtless shown its disapproval of the 
accession of Tarquinius, who now sought to render its op- 
position futile by doubling the membership and appointing 
none but his own supporters. 

BOOK I. xxxv. 3-8 

to the City, and, far from seeking the kingship, had B.C. 
actually been invited to come and take it. As for him- 
self, he had no sooner become his own master than he 
had removed to Rome with his wife and all his pro- 
perty. For the greater part of that period of life during 
which men serve the state he had lived in Rome, and 
not in the city of his birth. Both in civil life and in 
war he had had no mean instructor King Ancus 
himself had taught him Roman laws and Roman rites. 
In subordination and deference to the king he had 
vied, he said, with all his hearers ; in generosity to 
his fellow-subjects he had emulated the king himself. 
Hearing him advance these not unwarranted claims, 
the people, with striking unanimity, named him king. 
The result was that the man, so admirable in all 
other respects, continued even after he had obtained 
the sovereignty to manifest the same spirit of intrigue 
which had governed him in seeking it ; and being no 
less concerned to strengthen his own power than to 
enlarge the state, he added a hundred members to 
the senate, who were known thenceforward as Fathers 
of the " lesser families," and formed a party of un- 
wavering loyalty to the king, to whom they owed 
their admission to the Curia. 1 

His first war was with the Latins, whose town of 
Apiolae he took by storm. Returning thence with 
more booty than the rumours about the war had led 
people to expect, he exhibited games on a more 
splendid and elaborate scale than former kings had 
done. It was then that the ground was first marked 
out for the circus now called Maximus. Places were 
divided amongst the Fathers and the knights where 
they might each make seats for themselves ; these 
were called 'rows.' They got their view from seats 



A u.c. 9 Spectavere furcis duodenos ab terra spectacula 


alta sustinentibus pedes. Ludicrum fuit equi pugi- 
lesque, ex Etruria maxime acciti. Sollemnes deinde 
annul mansere ludi, Roman! magnique varie appel- 
10 lati. Ab eodem rege et circa forum privatis aedi- 
ficanda divisa sunt loca ; porticus tabernaeque factae./ 

XXXVI. Muro quoque lapideo circumdare urbem 
parabat, cum Sabinum bellum coeptis intervenit. 
Adeoque ea subita res fuit, ut prius Anienem transi- 
rent hostes quam obviam ire ac prohibere exercitus 

2 Romanus posset. Itaque trepidatum Romae est, et 
primo dubia victoria magna utrimque caede pugna- 
tum est. Reductis deinde in castra hostium copiis 
datoque spatio Romanis ad comparandum de integro 
bellum, Tarquinius, equitem maxime suis deesse 
viribus ratus, ad Ramnes, Titienses, Luceres, quas 
centurias Romulus scripserat, addere alias constituit 

3 suoque insignes relinquere nomine./ Id quia inaugu- 
rate Romulus fecerat, negare Attus Navius, inclitus 
ea tempestate augur, neque mutari neque novum 

4 constitui, nisi aves addixissent, posse. Ex eo ira 
regi mota, eludensque artem, ut ferunt, " Age dum," 
inquit, " divine tu, inaugura fierine possit, quod nunc 
ego mente concipio." Cum ille augurio 1 rem ex- 
pertus profecto futuram dixisset, " Atqui hoc animo 

1 augurio Tan. Faber : in augurio XI. 

BOOK I. xxxv. 9-xxxvi. 4 

raised on props to a height of twelve feet from the B.C. 
ground. The entertainment was furnished by horses 
and boxers, imported for the most part from Etruria. 
From that time the Games continued to be a regu- 
lar annual show, and were called indifferently the 
Roman and the Great Games. It was the same king", 

O * 

too, who apportioned building sites about the Forum 
among private citizens, and erected covered walks 
and booths. 

XXXVI. He was also preparing to build a stone 
wall around the City, when a Sabine war interrupted 
his plans. And so sudden was the invasion, that they 
had crossed the Anio before the Roman army was 
able to march out and stop them, so that the City 
was thrown into a panic. The first battle was 
indecisive, with heavy losses on both sides. The 
enemy then withdrew into their camp, affording the 
Romans an opportunity to renew their preparations 
for the war. Tarquinius believed that cavalry was 
what he chiefly lacked. To the Ramnes, Titienses, 
and Luceres, the centuries which Romulus had en- 
rolled, he therefore determined to add others, and to 
give them his own name as a permanent distinction. 
But since this was a matter in which Romulus had 
obtained the sanction of augury before acting, it was 
asserted by Attus Navius, a famous augur of those 
days, that no change or innovation could be introduced 
unless the birds had signified their approval. The 
king's ire was aroused by this, and he is reported to 
have said, in derision of the science, " Come now, 
divine seer ! Inquire of your augury if that of which 
I am now thinking can come to pass." When Attus, 
having taken the auspices, replied that it would 
surely come to pass, the king said, " Nay, but this is 


agitavi," inquit, "te novacula cotem discissurum ; 
cape haec et perage quod aves tuae fieri posse por- 
tendunt." Turn ilium baud cunctanter discidisse 
6 cotem ferunt. Statua Atti capite velato, quo in loco 
res acta est, in comitio in gradibus ipsis ad laevam 
curiae fuit; cotem quoque eodem loco sitam fuisse 
memorant, ut esset ad posteros miraculi eius monu- 

6 mentum. Auguriis certe sacerdotioque augurum 
tantus honos accessit ut nihil belli domique postea 
nisi auspicato gereretur, concilia populi, exercitus 
vocati, summa rerum, ubi aves non admisissent, diri- 

7 merentur. Neque turn Tarquinius de equitum cen- 
turiis quicquam mutavit; numero alterum tantum 1 
adiecit, ut mille et octingenti equites in tribus cen- 

8 turiis essent. Posteriores modo sub iisdem nomini- 
bus, qui additi erant, appellati sunt ; quas nunc, quia 
geminatae sunt, sex vocant centurias. 

XXXVII. Hac parte copiarum aucta iterum cum 
Sabinis confligitur. Sed praeterquam quod viribus 
creverat Romanus exercitus, ex occulto etiam additur 
dolus, missis qui magnam vim lignorum, in Anienis 
ripa iacentem, ardentem in flumen conicerent ; ven- 
toque itivante accensa ligna et pleraque ratibus 2 in- 
pacta sublicisque 3 cum haererent, pontem incendunt 

1 alterum tantum Lipsins : tantum alterum A. 

1 ratibus M l Gronov.: in ratihus n. 

3 sublicisque G'ronov.: sublicis (or -iis) A. 


BOOK I. xxxvi. 4-xxxvn. i 

what I was thinking- of, that you should cleave a B.C. 
whetstone with a razor. Take them, and accomplish 616 ~ 5 ' 
what your birds declare is possible ! " Whereupon, 
they say, the augur, without a sign of hesitation, cut 
the whetstone in two. There was a statue of Attus 
standing, with his head covered, on the spot where 
the thing was done, in the comitium, even at the 
steps on the left of the senate-house ; tradition adds 
that the whetstone also was deposited in the same 
place, to be a memorial of that miracle to posterity. 
However this may be, auguries and the augural 
priesthood so increased in honour that nothing was 
afterwards done, in the field or at home, unless the 
auspices had first been taken : popular assemblies, 
musterings of the army, acts of supreme importance 
all were put off when the birds refused their consent. 
Neither did Tarquinius at that time make any change 
in the organization of the centuries of knights. Their 
numerical strength he doubled, so that there were 
now eighteen hundred knights, in three centuries. 
But though enrolled under the old names, the new 
men were called the " secondary knights," and the 
centuries are now, because doubled, known as the 
"six centuries." 

XXXVII. When this arm of the service had been 
enlarged, a second battle was fought with the Sabines. 
And in this, besides being increased in strength, the 
Roman army was further helped by a stratagem, 
for men were secretly dispatched to light a great 
quantity of firewood lying on the bank of the Anio, 
and throw it into the river. A favouring wind set 
the wood in a blaze, and the greater part of it lodged 
against the boats and piles, where it stuck fast and 


A.U.O. 2 Ea quoque res in pugna terrorem attulit Sabinis, et 


fusis l eadem fugam impedit ; multique mor tales, cum 
hostem effugissent, in flumine ipso periere ; quorum 
fluitantia arina ad urbem cognita in Tiberi prius 
paene quam nuntiari posset insignem victoriam 

3 fecere. Eo proelio praecipua equitum gloria fuit ; 
utrimque ab cornibus positos, cum iam pelleretur 
media peditum suorum acies, ita incurrisse ab lateri- 
bus ferunt, ut non sisterent modo Sabinas legiones 
ferociter instantes cedentibus, sed subito in fugam 

4 averterent. Montes effuso cursu Sabini petebant, et 
pauci tenuere ; maxima pars, ut ante dictum est, ab 

6 equitibus in flumen acti sunt. Tarquinius instandum 
perterritis ratus, praeda captivisque Romam missis, 
spoliis hostium id votum Volcano erat ingenti 
cumulo accensis, pergit porro in agrum Sabinum 

6 exercitum inducere ; et quamquam male gesta res 
erat nee gestures melius sperare poterant, tamen, 
quia consulendi res non dabat spatium, ire obviam 
Sabini tumultuario milite ; iterumque ibi fusi perditis 
iam prope rebus pacem petiere. 

XXXVIII. Collatia et quidquid citra Collatiam 
agri erat Sabinis ademptum ; Egerius fratris hie 

1 et fusis Joe. Gronov.: effusis fi. 

BOOK I. xxxvir. 2-xxxvm. i 

set the bridge on fire. This was another source of B.C. 
alarm to the Sabines during the battle, and upon 61 - 578 
their being routed the same thing hindered their 
flight, so that many of them escaped the Romans only 
to perish in the stream ; while their shields floated 
down the Tiber toward the City, and, being recog- 
nized, gave assurance that a victory had been won 
almost sooner than the news of it could be brought. 
In this battle the cavalry particularly distinguished 
themselves. They were posted on either flank of the 
Romans, and when the centre, composed of infantry, 
was already in retreat, they are said to have charged 
from both sides, with such effect that they not only 
checked the Sabine forces, which were pressing hotly 
forward as their enemy gave way, but suddenly put 
them to flight. The Sabines made for the mountains 
in a scattered rout, and indeed a few gained that 
refuge. Most of them, as has been said before, were 
driven by the cavalry into the river. Tarquinius 
thought it proper to follow up his victory while the 
other side was panic-stricken ; he therefore sent the 
booty and the prisoners to Rome, and after making a 
huge pile of the captured arms and setting fire to it, 
in fulfilment of a vow to Vulcan, pushed forward at 
the head of his army into the enemy's country. Al- 
though defeat had been the portion of the Sabines, 
and another battle could not be expected to result 
in better success, still, as the situation allowed no 
room for deliberation, they took the field with what 
soldiers they could hastily muster, and being then 
routed a second time and fairly reduced to ex- 
tremities, they sued for peace. 

XXXVIII. Collatia, and what land the Sabines 
had on the hither side of Collatia, was taken from 


fiiius erat regis Collatiae in praesidio relictus. 
Deditosque Collatinos ita accipio eamque dedi- 

2 tionis formulam esse ; rex interrogavit : " Estisne 
vos legati oratoresque missi a populo Collatino, ut 
vos populumque Collatinum dederetis ? " "Sumus." 
"Estne populus Collatinus in sua potestate?" 
"Est." " Deditisne vos populumque Collatinum, 
urbem, agros, aquam, terminos, delubra, utensilia, 
divina humanaque omnia in meam populique Ro- 
mani dicionem ? " "Dedimus." " At ego recipio." 

3 Bello Sabino perfecto Tarquinius triumphans Romam 

4 redit. Inde Priscis Latinis bellum fecit. Ubi nus- 
quam ad universae rei dimicationem ventum est, ad 
singula oppida circumferendo arma omne nomen 
Latinum domuit. Corniculum, Ficulea Vetus, 
Cameria, Crustumerium, Ameriola, Medullia, 1 No- 
mentum haec de Priscis Latinis aut qui ad Latinos 
defecerant capta oppida. Pax deinde est facta. 

5 Maiore inde aninio pacis opera incohata quam 
quanta mole gesserat bella, ut non quietior poj)ulus 

G domi esset quam militiae fuisset ; nam et muro lapi- 
deo, cuius exordium operis Sabino bello turbatum 
erat, urbem qua nondum munierat cingere parat, et 
infima urbis loca circa forum aliasque interiectas 
collibus convalles, quia ex planis locis baud facile 
evehebant aquas, cloacis 2 fastigio in Tiberim ductis 

1 Medullia Aid.: medulla n. 

2 aquas cloacia RD' 1 ^ : aqua se (or aqua se or aquas e 

cloacis n. 


BOOK I. xxxvin. 1-6 

them, and Egerius, the son of the king's brother, was B.C. 
left in the town with a garrison. The surrender of 
the Collatini took place, I understand, in accordance 
with this formula : the king asked, " Are you the 
legates and spokesmen sent by the People of Collatia 
to surrender yourselves and the People of Collatia ? ' 
' We are." ' Is the People of Collatia its own mas- 
ter? ' ' It is." ' Do you surrender yourselves and 
the People of Collatia, city, lands, water, boundary 
marks, shrines, utensils, all appurtenances, divine and 
human,into my power and that of the Roman People?" 
"We do." "I receive the surrender." Upon the 
conclusion of the Sabine war Tarquinius returned to 
Rome and triumphed. He then made war against 
the Ancient Latins. In this campaign there was no 
general engagement at any point, but the king led 
his army from one town to another until he had 
subdued the entire Latin race. Corniculum, Ficulea 
Vetus, Cameria, Crustumerium, Ameriola, Medullia, 
and Nomentum these were the towns which were 
captured from the Ancient Latins, or from those who 
had gone over to the Latins. Peace was then made. 
From that moment the king devoted himself to 
peaceful undertakings with an enthusiasm which was 
even greater than the efforts he had expended in 
waging war, so that there was no more rest for the 
people at home than there had been in the field. 
For he set to work to encircle the hitherto unforti- 
fied parts of the City with a stone wall, a task which 
had been interrupted by the Sabine war ; and he 
drained the lowest parts of the City, about the Forum, 
and the other valleys between the hills, which were 
too flat to carry off the flood-waters easily, by means 
of sewers so made as to slope down toward the Tiber. 



A.r.c. 7 siccat, et aream ad aedem in Capitolio lovis, quam 
voverat bello Sabino, iam praesagiente animo futu- 
ram olim amplitudinem loci occupat fundamentis. 

XXXIX. Eo tempore in regia prodigium visu l 
eventuque mirabile fuit. Puero dormienti, cui Servio 
Tullio fuit nomen, 2 caput arsisse ferunt multorum in 

2 conspectu. Plurimo igitur clamore inde ad tantae 
rei miraculum orto excitos reges, et cum quid am 
familiarium aquain ad restinguendum ferret, ab re- 
gina retentum, sedatoque earn tumultu moveri vetu- 
isse puerum donee sua sponte experrectus esset. 

3 Mox cum somno et flammam abisse. Turn abducto 
in secretum viro Tanaquil, " Viden 3 tu puerum hunc," 
inquit, " quern tarn humili cultu educamus ? Scire 
licet hunc lumen quondam rebus nostris dubiis 
futurum praesidiumque regiae adflictae ; proinde 
materiam ingentis publice privatimque decoris omni 

4 indulgentia nostra nutriamus." Inde puerum liberum 
loco coeptum haberi, erudirique artibus, quibus in- 
genia ad magnae fortunae cultum excitantur. Evenit 
facile quod dis cordi esset. luvenis evasit vere 
indolis regiae, nee, cum quaereretur gener Tarquinio, 
quisquam Romanae iuventutis ulla arte conferri 

5 potuit, filiamque ei suam rex despondit. Hie qua- 
cumque de causa tantus illi honos habitus credere 

1 visu 0- : uisum fl. 

2 puero dormienti, cui Servio Tullio fuit nomen M? : these 
words are missing or corrupted in the other MSS. 

3 viden Jl/V : uidene D' 2 : uidesne n. 


BOOK I. xxxvin. 6-xxxix. 5 

Finally, with prophetic anticipation of the splendour B.C. 
which the place was one day to possess, he laid 6 ~ 6(l 
foundations for the temple of Jupiter on the Capitol, 
which he had vowed in the Sabine war. 

XXXIX. At this time there happened in the 
house of the king a portent which was remarkable 
alike in its manifestation and in its outcome. The 
story is that while a child named Servius Tullius 
lay sleeping, his head burst into flames in the sight 
of many. The general outcry which so great a 
miracle called forth brought the king and queen to 
the place. One of the servants fetched water to 
quench the fire, but was checked by the queen, who 
stilled the uproar and commanded that the boy 
should not be disturbed until he awoke of himself. 
Soon afterwards sleep left him, and with it disap- 
peared the flames. Then, taking her husband aside, 
Tanaquil said : " Do you see this child whom we 
are bringing up in so humble a fashion ? Be assured 
he will one day be a lamp to our dubious fortunes, 
and a protector to the royal house in the day of its 
distress. Let us therefore rear with all solicitude 
one who will lend high renown to the state and to 
our family." It is said that from that moment the 
boy began to be looked upon as a son, and to be 
trained in the studies by which men are inspired 
to bear themselves greatly. It was a thing easily 
accomplished, being the will of Heaven. The youth 
turned out to be of a truly royal nature, and 
when Tarquinius sought a son-in-law there was no 
other young Roman who could be at all compared 
to Servius ; and the king accordingly betrothed his 
daughter to him. This great honour, for whatever 
cause conferred on him, forbids us to suppose that 



prohibet serva natum eum parvumque ipsum servisse. 
Eorum magis sententiae sum qui Corniculo capto 
Ser. Tulli, qui princeps in ilia urbe fuerat, gravidam 
viro occiso uxorem, cum inter reliquas captivas cog- 
nita esset, ob unicam nobilitatem ab regina Romana 
prohibitam ferunt servitio partum Romae edidisse 
6 Prisci Tarquini in domo 1 ; inde tanto beneficio et 
inter mulieris fainiliaritatem auctam et puerum, ut 
in domo a parvo eductum, in caritate atque honore 
fuisse ; fortunam matris, quod capta patria in hos- 
tium manus venerit, ut serva natus crederetur fe- 

XL. Duodequadragesimo ferme anno, ex quo reg- 
nare coeperat Tarquinius, non apud regem modo 
sed apud patres plebemque longe maximo honore 

2 Ser. Tullius erat. Turn Anci filii duo, etsi antea 
semper pro indignissimo habuerant se patrio regno 
tutoris fraude pulsos, regnare Romae advenam non 
modo vicinae, sed ne Italicae quidem stirpis, turn 
impensius iis indignitas crescere, si ne ab Tarquinio 

3 quidem ad se rediret regnum, sed praeceps inde 
porro ad servitia caderet, ut in eadem civitate post 
centesimum fere annum quod' 2 Romulus, deo pro- 
gnatus deus ipse, tenuerit regnum donee in terris 

1 in domo 5- : domo H. 

2 quod Madvig : quam A. 


BOOK I. xxxix. S-XL. 3 

his mother was a slave and that he himself had been B.C. 
in a state of servitude as a child. I am rather of 
the opinion of those who say, that on the capture of 
Corniculum, when Servius Tullius, the chief man of 
that city, had been slain, his wife, who was great 
with child, had been recognized amongst the other 
captive women, and on the score of her unique no- 
bility had been rescued from slavery by the Roman 
queen, and had brought forth her child at Rome in 
the house of Priscus Tarquinius ; in the sequel this 
act of generosity led to a growing intimacy between 
the women, and the boy, as one reared from 
childhood in the palace, was held in affection and 
esteem ; it was his mother's misfortune, who by the 
capture of her native town came into the power of 
its enemies, which gave rise to the belief that Servius 
was born of a slave woman. 

XL. It was now about thirty-eight years since 
Tarquinius had begun to reign, and not only the 
king, but the Fathers and the commons too, held 
Servius Tullius in the very highest honour. Now 
the two sons of Ancus had always considered it a 
great outrage that they had been ousted from their 
father's kingship by the crime of their guardian, 
and that Rome should be ruled by a stranger whose 
descent was derived from a race not only remote 
but actually not even Italian. But their indignation 
was vastly increased by the prospect that even after 
Tarquinius' death the sovereignty would not revert 
to them, but, plunging down to yet baser depths, 
would fall into the hands of slaves ; so that where, 
a hundred years before, Romulus, a god's son and 
himself a god, had borne sway, so long as he re- 
mained on earth, in that self-same state a slave and 



fuerit, id servus serva natus possideat. Cum com- 
mune Roman! nominis turn praecipue id domus suae 
dedecus fore, si Anci regis virili stirpe salva non 
modo advenis, sed servis etiam regnum Romae pate- 

4 ret. Ferro igitur earn arcere contumeliam statuunt. 
Sed et iniuriae dolor in Tarquinium ipsum magis 
quam in Servium eos stimulabat, et quia gravior 
ultor caedis, si superesset, rex futurus erat quam 
privatus, turn Servio occiso quemcumque alium 
generum delegisset eundem regni heredem facturus 

5 videbatur, ob haec ipsi regi insidiae parantur. Ex 
pastoribus duo ferocissimi delecti ad facinus, quibus 
consueti erant uterque agrestibus ferramentis, in 
vestibule regiae quam potuere tumultuosissime specie 
rixae in se omnes apparitores regios convertunt ; 
inde, cum ambo regem appellarent clamorque eorum 
penitus in regiam pervenisset, vocati ad regem per- 

6 gunt. Primo uterque vociferari et certatim alter 
alteri obstrepere ; coerciti ab lictore et iussi in vicem 
dicere tandem obloqui desistunt ; unus rem ex com- 

7 posito orditur. Dum intentus in eum se rex totus 
averteret, alter elatam securim in caput deiecit, 
relictoque in volnere telo ambo se foras eiciunt. 

XLI. Tarquinium moribundum cum qui circa erant 

BOOK I. XL. 3~xLi. i 

the son of a slave woman would be king. It would B.C. 
be not only a general disgrace to the Roman name, 16 - 578 
but particularly to their own house, if during the 
lifetime of Ancus' sons it should be open not only 
to strangers, but even to slaves to rule over the 
Romans. They therefore determined to repel that 
insult with the sword. But resentment at their 
wrong urged them rather against Tarquinius him- 
self than against Servius, not only because the king, 
if he survived, Avould be more formidable to avenge 
the murder than a subject would be, but because 
if Servius should be dispatched it seemed probable 
that the kingdom would be inherited by whomsoever 
else Tarquinius might choose to be his son-in-law. 
For these reasons they laid their plot against the 
king himself. Two very desperate shepherds were 
selected to do the deed. Armed with the rustic 
implements to which they were both accustomed, 
they feigned a brawl in the entrance-court of the 
palace and, making as much noise as possible, at- 
tracted the attention of all the royal attendants ; 
then they appealed to the king, until their shouts 
were heard inside the palace and they were sent 
for and came before him. At first each raised his 
voice and tried to shout the other down. Being re- 
pressed by the lictor and bidden to speak in turn, 
they finally ceased to interrupt each other, and 
one of them began to state his case, as they had 
planned beforehand. While the king, intent upon 
the speaker, turned quite away from the other shep- 
herd, the latter lifted his axe and brought it down 
upon his head. Then, leaving the weapon in the 
wound, they both ran out of doors. 

XLI. The dying Tarquinius had hardly been caught 



excepissent, illos fugientes lictores comprehendunt. 
Clamor inde concursusque populi, mirantium l quid 
rei esset. Tanaquil inter tumultum claudi regiam 
iubet, arbitros eicit. 2 Simul quae curando volneri 
opus sunt, tamquam spes subesset, sedulo conparat, 

2 simul, si destituat spes, alia praesidia molitur. Ser- 
vio propere accito cum paene exsanguem virum 
ostendisset, dextram tenens orat ne inultam mor- 
tem soceri, ne socrum inimicis ludibrio esse sinat. 

3 "Tuum est," inquit, "Servi, si vir es, regnum, non 
eorum qui alienis manibus pessimum facinus fecere. 
Erige te deosque duces sequere, qui clarum hoc fore 
caput divino quondam circumfuso igni portenderunt. 
Nunc te ilia caelestis excitet flamma, nunc expergi- 
scere vere. Et nos peregrin! regnavimus ; qui sis, 
non unde natus sis, reputa. Si tua re subita consilia 

4 torpent, at tu mea consilia sequere." Cum clamor 
impetusque multitudinis vix sustineri posset, ex supe- 
riore parte aedium per fenestras in Novam viam 
versas 3 habitabat enim rex ad lovis Statoris popu- 

5 lum Tanaquil adloquitur. lubet bono animo esse : 
sopitum fuisse regem subito ictu ; ferrum baud alte 
in corpus descendisse ; iam ad se redisse ; inspectum 

1 mirantium $- : mirantum (or mirandum) n. 

2 eicit /?$- : eiecit fi. 3 versas 5- : uersus ft. 

BOOK I. XLI. 1-5 

up in the arms of the bystanders when the fugitives B.C. 
were seized by the lictors. Then there was an uproar, 616 ~ 578 
as crowds hurried to the scene, asking one another 
in amazement what the matter was. In the midst 
of the tumult Tanaquil gave orders to close the 
palace, and ejected all witnesses. She busily got 
together the remedies needful for healing a wound, 
as if there were still hope, taking at the same time 
other measures to protect herself in case her hope 
should fail her. Having hastily summoned Servius, 
she showed him her husband's nearly lifeless body, 
and grasping his right hand, besought him not to 
suffer the death of his father-in-law to go un- 
punished, nor his mother-in-law to become a jest to 
her enemies. "To you, Servius," she cried, "if you 
are a man, belongs this kingdom, not to those who 
by the hands of others have committed a dastardly 
crime. Arouse yourself and follow the guidance of 
the gods, who once declared by the token of divine 
fire poured out upon this head that you should be a 
famous man. Now is the time for that heaven-sent 
flame to quicken you ! Now wake in earnest ! We, 
too, were foreigners, yet we reigned. Consider what 
you are, not whence you were born. If your own 
counsels are benumbed in this sudden crisis, at least 
use mine." When the shouting and pushing of the 
crowd could hardly be withstood, Tanaquil went up 
into the upper storey of the house, and through a 
window looking out upon the Nova Via for the 
king lived near the temple of Jupiter the Stayer 
addressed the populace. She bade them be of good 
cheer : the king had been stunned by a sudden blow ; 
the steel had not sunk deep into his body ; he had 
already recovered consciousness ; the blood had been 



volnus absterso cruore ; omnia salubria esse ; confi- 
dere prope diem ipsum eos visuros ; interim Ser. 
Tullio iubere populum dicto audientem esse ; eum 
iura redditurum obiturumque alia regis munia esse. 

6 Servius cum trabea et lictoribus prodit ac sede regia 
sedens alia decernit, de aliis consulturum se regern 
esse simulat. Itaque per aliquot dies, cum iam ex- 
spirasset Tarquinius, celata morte per speciem alienae 
fungendae vicis suas opes firmavit. Turn demum 
palam factum est 1 comploratione in regia orta. Ser- 
vius praesidio firmo munitus primus iniussu populi 

7 voluntate pat rum regnavit. Anci liberi iam turn, 
comprensis 2 sceleris ministris ut vivere regem et 
tantas esse opes Servi nuntiatum est, Suessam Pome- 
tiam exsulatum ierant. 

XLII. Nee iam publicis magis consiliis Servius 
quam privatis munire opes, et ne, qualis Anci libe- 
rum animus adversus Tarquinium fuerat, talis adver- 
sus se Tarquini liberiim esset, duas filias iuvenibus 
2 regiis, Lucio atque Arrunti Tarquiniis, iungit ; nee 
rupit tamen fati necessitatem humanis consiliis, quin 
invidia regni etiam inter domesticos infida omnia 
atque infesta faceret. Peropportune ad praesentis 

1 est $- : et n. 

2 comprensis $-Ald. : com (or con-) pressis or cum com (or 
con-) prensis (or -pressis) or cum comprehensis n. 


BOOK I. XLI. 5-xLii. 2 

wiped away and the wound examined ; all the symp- B.C. 
toms were favourable ; she trusted that they would 
soon see Tarquinius himself; meanwhile she com- 
manded that the people should obey Servius Tullius, 
who would dispense justice and perform the other 
duties of the king. Servius went forth in the royal 
robe, accompanied by lictors, and sitting in the king's 
seat rendered judgment in some cases, while in regard 
to others he gave out that he would consult the king. 
In this way for several days after Tarquinius had 
breathed his last he concealed his death, pretending 
that he was merely doing another's work, while he 
was really strengthening his own position ; then at 
last the truth was allowed to be known, from the 
lamentations which arose within the palace. Servius 
surrounded himself with a strong guard, and ruled 
at first without the authorization of the people, but 
with the consent of the Fathers. The sons of Ancus, 
upon the arrest of the agents of their crime and the 
report that the king was alive and that Servius was 
so strong, had already gone into voluntary exile at 
Suessa Pometia. 

XLI I. Servius now took steps to assure his posi- ^^^ 
tion by private as well as public measures. In order 
that the sons of Tarquinius might not show the 
same animosity towards himself which the sons of 
Ancus had felt towards Tarquinius, he married his 
two daughters to the young princes, Lucius and 
Arruns Tarquinius. But he could not break the 
force of destiny by human wisdom ; and jealousy of 
his power, even among the members of his house- 
hold, created an atmosphere of treachery and hos- 
tility. Most opportune for the tranquil preservation 



quietem status bellum cum Veientibus iam enim 

3 indutiae exierant aliisque Etruscis sumptum. In 
eo bello et virtus et fortuna enituit Tulli ; fusoque 
ingenti hostium exercitu baud dubius rex seu pa- 
trurn seu plebis animos periclitaretur, Romam rediit. 

4 Adgrediturque inde ad pacis longe maximum opus, 
ut quemadmodum Numa divini auctor iuris fuisset, 
ita Servium conditorem omnis in civitate discriminis 
ordinumque quibus inter gradus dignitatis fortu- 

5 naeque aliquid interlucet, poster! fama ferrent. Cen- 
sum enim instituit, rem saluberrimam tanto future 
imperio, ex quo belli pacisque munia non viritim, ut 
ante, sed pro habitu pecuniarum fierent ; turn classes 
centuriasque et hunc ordinem ex censu discripsit/ 
vel paci decorum vel bello. XLIII. Ex iis, 2 qui 
centum milium aeris aut maiorem censum haberent 

1 discripsit R : descripsit n. 2 iis Aid.: his n. 

1 Perhaps a reference to the hundred years' truce with 
Romulus (xv. 5), for Livy has not mentioned any war with 
Veil in the interval, though one is implied in the statement 
(xxxiii. 9) that the Veientes surrendered the Maesian Forest, 
in the reign of Ancus. 

2 The organisation now to be described was primarily 
designed to increase the fighting strength of Rome. For- 
merly the right to bear arms had belonged solely to the 
patricians. Now plebeians were to be given a place in the 
army, which was to be reclassined according to every man's 
property, i.e. his ability to provide himself a more or less 
complete equipment for the field. See Dion. Hal. iv. 16-21 ; 
Cic. Rep. ii. 39. 



of the existing state of things was a war which was B.C. 


undertaken against the people of Veil for the 
truce l had now run out and the other Etruscans. 
In this war the bravery and good fortune of Tullius 
were conspicuous ; and when he had utterly de- 
feated the vast army of his enemies, he found on 
returning to Rome that his title to the kingship was 
no longer questioned, whether he tested the feeling 
of the Fathers or that of the commons. He then 
addressed himself to what is by far the most im- 
portant work of peace : as Numa had established 
religious law, so Servius intended that posterity 
should celebrate himself as the originator of all 
distinctions among the citizens, and of the orders 
which clearly differentiate the various grades of rank 
and fortune. For he instituted the census, 2 a most 
useful thing for a government destined to such wide 
dominion, since it would enable the burdens of war 
and peace to be borne not indiscriminately, as here- 
tofore, but in proportion to men's wealth. He then 
distributed the people into classes and centuries 
according to the following scale, which was based 
upon the census and was suitable either for peace or 
war : XLII I. Out of those who had a rating of a 
hundred thousand asses 3 or more he made eighty 

3 Capital, not income. The as was originally a rod of 
copper a foot long and divided into twelve inches (unciae). 
Some time during the regal period weight was substituted 
for measure in appraising the as, and it began to be stamped 
with the figure of an ox, which was the source of the Latin 
name for money, viz. pecunia. From being a full pound 
the as was gradually reduced, till, in the Second Punic War, 
it came to weigh only one ounce. What its value may have 
been in the time of Servius is a highly speculative question. 
See the note in the edition of Book I. by H. J. Edwards 
(pp. 179 ff.). 



A.U.C. octoginta confecit centurias, quadragenas seniorum 

2 ac iuniorum; prima 1 classis omnes appellati; seniores 
ad urbis custodiam ut praesto essent, iuvenes ut foris 
bella gererent. Arma his imperata galea, clipeum, 
ocreae, lorica, omnia ex acre, haec ut tegumenta 
corporis essent ; tela in hostem hastaque et gladius. 

3 Additae huic classi duae fabrum centuriae, quae sine 
arm is stipendia facerent ; datum munus ut machinas 

4 in bello facerent. 2 Secunda classis intra centum 
usque ad quinque et septuaginta milium censum 
instituta, et ex iis, senioribus iunioribusque, viginti 
conscriptae centuriae. Arma imperata scutum pro 

6 clipeo et praeter loricam omnia eadem. Tertiae 
classis 3 quinquaginta 4 milium censum esse voluit ; 
totidem centuriae et hae 5 eodemque discrimine 
aetatium factae. Nee de armis quicquam mutatum, 

6 ocreae tantum ademptae. In quarta classe census 
quinque et viginti milium ; totidem centuriae factae ; 
arma mutata, nihil praeter hastam et verutum da- 

7 turn. Quinta classis aucta ; centuriae triginta factae ; 
fundas lapidesque missiles hi secum gerebant. His 
accensi cornicines tubicinesque/ in duas 8 centurias 
distributi. Undecim milibus haec classis censebatur. 

8 Hoc minor census reliquam multitudinem liabuit ; 
inde una centuria facta est immunis militia. Ita 

1 prima g-F^R* : prime R ? : primo n. 

2 facerent Lipsius : ferrent 1. 

3 tertiae classis $- : tertia classis Cl. 

* quinquaginta Sobius : in quinquaginta XI. 

* hae 5- : haec fl. 6 his lac. Perizonius : in his fl. 

7 tubicinesque 5- : tibicinesque H. 

8 duas Sigonius (cf. Dion. Hal. iv. 17, 3) : tres A. 


centuries, forty each of seniors and of juniors; these B.C. 
were all known as the first class ; the seniors were 578 ~ 34 
to be ready to guard the city, the juniors to wage 
war abroad. The armour which these men were 
required to provide consisted of helmet, round 
shield, greaves, and breast-plate, all of bronze, for 
the protection of their bodies ; their offensive 
weapons were a spear and a sword. There were 
added to this class two centuries of mechanics, who 
were to serve without arms ; to them was entrusted 
the duty of fashioning siege-engines in war. The 
second class was drawn up out of those whose rating 
was between a hundred thousand and seventy-five 
thousand ; of these, seniors and juniors, twenty cen- 
turies were enrolled. The arms prescribed for them 
were an oblong shield in place of the round one, 
and everything else, save for the breast-plate, as in 
the class above. He fixed the rating of the third 
class at fifty thousand ; a like number of centuries 
was formed in this class as in the second, and with 
the same distinction of ages ; neither was any change 
made in their arms, except that the greaves were 
omitted. In the fourth class the rating was twenty- 
five thousand ; the same number of centuries was 
formed, but their equipment was changed, nothing 
being given them but a spear and a javelin. The 
fifth class was made larger, and thirty centuries were 
formed. These men carried slings, with stones for 
missiles. Rated with them were the horn-blowers 
and trumpeters, divided into two centuries. Eleven 
thousand was the rating of this class. Those who 
were assessed at less than this amount, being all the 
rest of the population, were made into a single 
century, exempt from military service. When the 


A.U.C. pedestri exercitu ornato distributoque equitum ex 


9 primoribus civitatis duodecim scripsit centurias. Sex 
item alias centurias, tribus ab Romulo institutis, sub 
iisdem quibus inauguratae erant nominibus fecit. Ad 
equos emendos dena milia aeris ex publico data, et 
quibus equos alerent, viduae attributae, quae bina 
milia aeris in annos singulos penderent. Haec omnia 

10 in dites a pauperibus inclinata onera. Deinde est 
honos additus ; non enim, ut ab Romulo traditum 
ceteri servaverant reges, viritim suffragium eadem vi 
eodemque iure promisee omnibus datum est, sed 
gradus facti, ut neque exclusus quisquam suffragio 
videretur et vis omnis penes primores civitatis esset. 

11 Equites enim vocabantur primi ; octoginta hide pri- 
mae classis centuriae ; ibi l si variaret, quod raro in- 
cidebat, institutum ut 2 secundae classis vocarentur, 
nee fere unquam infra ita descenderunt, 3 ut ad infi- 

12 mos pervenirent. Nee mirari oportet hunc ordinem, 
qui nunc est post expletas quinque et triginta tribus 
duplicate earum numero centuriis iuniorum senior- 
unique, ad 4 institutam ab Ser. Tullio summam non 

13 convenire. Quadrifariam enim urbe divisa regioni- 
bus collibusque qui habitabantur, partes eas tribus 

1 centuriae ; ibi 5- : centuriae primum peditum uocabantur 
ibi n. 

2 incidebat, institutum ut Nordk : inciJebat ut fl. 

3 descenderunt f : descenderent H. 

4 ad 5- : se (or eese, or sed) ad n. 

I5 2 

BOOK I. XLIII. 8-13 

equipment and distribution of the infantry had been B.C. 
thus provided for, Servius enrolled twelve centuries 578 ~ 534 
of knights out of the leading men of the state. He 
likewise formed six other centuries three had 
been instituted by Romulus employing the same 
names which had been hallowed to their use by 
augury. For the purchase of horses they were al- 
lowed ten thousand asses each from the state treasury, 
and for the maintenance of these horses unmarried 
women were designated, who had to pay two thousand 
asses each, every year. All these burdens were shifted 
from the shoulders of the poor to those of the rich. 
The latter were then granted special privileges : for 
manhood suffrage, implying equality of power and 
of rights, was no longer given promiscuously to all, 
as had been the practice handed down by Romulus 
and observed by all the other kings ; but gradations 
were introduced, so that ostensibly no one should be 
excluded from the suffrage, and yet the power should 
rest with the leading citizens. For the knights were 
called upon to vote first ; then the eighty centuries 
of the first class : if there were any disagreement 
there, which rarely happened, it was provided that 
the centuries of the second class should be called ; 
and they almost never descended so far as to reach 
the lowest citi/ens. Nor ought it to cause any surprise 
that the present organization, which exists since the 
increase of the tribes to thirty-five, and the doubling 
of their number in the matter of the junior and 
senior centuries, does not correspond with the total 
established by Servius Tullius. For, having divided 
the City according to its inhabited regions and hills 
into four parts, he named them "tribes," a word 



A.U.C. appellavit. ut ego arbitror, ab tribute ; nam eius quo- 

J7&-220 ',;. f ,. 

que aequahter ex censu conferendi ab eodem mita 
ratio est ; neque eae tribus ad centuriarum distribu- 
tionem numerumque quicquam pertinuere. 

XLIV. Censu perfecto, quern maturaverat metu 
legis de incensis latae cum vinculorum minis mortis- 
que, edixit, ut omnes cives Romani, equites pedites- 
que, in suis quisque centuriis in campo Martio prima 

2 luce adessent. Ibi instructum exercitum omnem 
suovetaurilibus 1 lustravit; idque conditum lustrum 
appellatum, quia is 2 censendo finis factus est. Milia 
octoginta eo lustro civium censa dicuntur ; adicit 
scriptorum antiquissimus Fabius Pictor eorum qui 

3 arma ferre possent eum numerum fuisse. Ad earn 
multitudinem urbs quoque amplificanda visa est. 
Addit duos colles, Quirinalem Viminalemque ; inde 
deinceps auget Esquilias, ibique ipse, ut loco digni- 
tas fieret, habitat. Aggere et fossis et muro circum- 

4 dat urbem ; ita pomerium profert. Pomerium, verbi 
vim solam intuentes, postmoerium interpretantur 
esse ; est autem magis circamoerium, locus quern in 
condendis urbibus quondam Etrusci, qua murum 

1 suovetaurilibus Rhenanus : sue oue taurilibus (or other 
corruptions) n. 

2 is Gronovius "ex cod. Mureti" : in fl. 

1 Tribiitum comes from tribus (not vice versa, as Livy has 
it), which meant originally "third part," but lost the 
numerical force and became simply "part," "district," like 
the French " quartier," which Walde compares. 

2 Dion. iv. 13, and Strabo, v. 3, 7, make Servius the first 
to include the Esquiline in the City. Livy appears to have 


BOOK I. XLIII. i3~xLiv. 4 

derived, I suppose, from "tribute"; 1 for this like- B.C. 
wise the same king planned to have apportioned 578 ~ 
equitably, on the basis of the census ; nor had 
these tribes anything whatever to do with the 
distribution or the number of the centuries. 

XLIV. Upon the completion of the census, which 
had been expedited by fear of a law that threatened 
with death and imprisonment those who failed to 
register, Servius issued a proclamation calling on all 
Roman citizens, both horse and foot, to assemble at 
daybreak, each in his own century, in the Campus 
Martius. There the whole army was drawn up, and 
a sacrifice of a pig, a sheep, and a bull was offered 
by the king for its purification. This was termed 
the " closing of the lustrum," because it was the 
last act in the enrolment. Eighty thousand citizens 
are said to have been registered in that census ; the 
most ancient of the historians, Fabius Pictor, adds 
that this was the number of those capable of bearing 
arms. To meet the wants of this population it was 
apparent that the City must expand, and so the king 
added two hills, the Quirinal and the Viminal, after 
which he proceeded to enlarge the Esquiline, 2 going 
there to live himself, that the place might obtain a 
good reputation. He surrounded the City with a 
rampart, trenches, and a wall, and so extended the 
"pomerium." This word is interpreted by those who 
look only at its etymology as meaning "the tract 
behind the wall," but it signifies rather "the tract 
on both sides of the wall," the space which the 
Etruscans used formerly to consecrate with augural 

thought of him as merely increasing the extent of that 
district. Conway and Walters adopt O's Viminal em que, 
Viminulem, and Oronov's Esquiliis, thus reconciling Livy 
with Dion, and Strabo. 



A.U.C. ducturi erant. certis circa terminis inaugurate conse- 


crabant, ut neque interiore parte aedificia moenibus 
continuarentur, quae nunc volgo etiam coniungunt, 
et extrinsecus puri aliquid ab humano cultu pateret 
6 soli. Hoc spatium, quod neque habitari neque arari 
fas erat, non magis quod post murum esset quam 
quod murus post id, pomerium Romani appellarunt ; 
et in urbis incremento semper, quantum moenia pro- 
cessura erant tantum termini hi consecrati profere- 

XLV. Aucta civitate magnitudine urbis, formatis 
omnibus domi et ad belli et ad pacis usus, ne semper 
armis opes adquirerentur, consilio augere imperium 

2 conatus est, simul et aliquod addere urbi decus. lam 
turn erat inclitum Dianae Ephesiae fanum ; id com- 
muniter a civitatibus Asiae factum fama ferebat. 
Eum consensum deosque consociatos laudare mire 
Servius inter proceres Latinorum, cum quibus publice 
privatimque hospitia amicitiasque de industria iunx- 
erat. Saepe iterando eadem perpulit tandem, ut 
Romae fanum Dianae populi Latini cum populo 

3 Romano facerent. Ea erat confessio caput rerum 
Romam esse, de quo totiens armis certatum fuerat. 

1 Pomerium at first meant the boundary-line itself, then 
the strip of land left free within the wall, and finally was 
loosely used of the strip on both sides of the wall. 


BOOK I. XLIV. 4-xLv. 3 

ceremonies, where they proposed to erect their wall, B.C. 
establishing definite limits on either side of it, so 578 ~ 534 
that they might at the same time keep the walls 
free on their inward face from contact with build- 
ings, which now, as a rule, are actually joined to 
them, and on the outside keep a certain area free 
from human uses. This space, which the gods for- 
bade men to inhabit or to till, was called "pomerium" 
by the Romans, quite as much because the wall stood 
behind it as because it stood behind the wall ; and 
as the city grew, these consecrated limits were always 
pushed out for as great a distance as the walls them- 
selves were to be advanced. 1 

XLV. When the king had promoted the grandeur 
of the state by enlarging the City, and had shaped 
all his domestic policy to suit the demands of peace 
as well as those of war, he was unwilling that arms 
should always be the means employed for strength- 
ening Rome's power, and sought to increase her sway 
by diplomacy, and at the same time to add something 
to the splendour of the City. Even at that early date 
the temple of Diana at Ephesus enjoyed great renown. 
It was reputed to have been built through the co- 
operation of the cities of Asia, and this harmony and 
community of worship Servius praised in superlative 
terms to the Latin nobles, with whom, both officially 
and in private, he had taken pains to establish a 
footing of hospitality and friendship. By dint of 
reiterating the same arguments he finally carried his 
point, and a shrine of Diana was built in Rome by 
the nations of Latium conjointly with the Roman 
People. This was an admission that Rome was the 
capital a point which had so often been disputed 


VOL. I. O 


A.U.C. Id quamquam omissuni iam ex omnium cura Latin- 


orum ob rem totiens infeliciter temptatam armis 
videbatur, uni se ex Sabinis fors dare visa est private 

4 consilio imperil reciperandi. Bos in Sabinis nata 
cuidam patri familiae dicitur miranda magnitudine 
ac specie ; fixa per multas aetates cornua in vesti- 
bule templi Dianae moiiumentum ei fuere miraculo. 

5 Habita, ut erat, res prodigii loco est ; et cecinere 
vates, cuius civitatis earn civis Dianae immolasset, 1 
ibi fore imperium ; idque carmen pervenerat ad anti- 

6 stitem fani Dianae Sabinusque, ut prima apta dies 
sacrificio visa est, bovem Romam actam deducit ad 
fanum Dianae et ante aram statuit. Ibi antistes 
Romanus, cum eum magnitudo victimae celebrata 
fama movisset, memor responsi Sabinum ita adlo- 
quitur : " Quidnam tu, hospes, paras ?" inquit, "in- 
ceste sacrificium Dianae facere ? Quin tu ante vivo 
perfunderis flumine ? Infima valle praefluit Tiberis." 

7 Religione tactus hospes, qui omnia, ut prodigio 
responderet eventus, cuperet rite facta, extemplo 
descendit ad Tiberim. Interea Romanus immolat 
Dianae bovem. Id mire gratum regi atque civitati 

XLVI. Servius quamquam iam usu baud dubie 2 
regnum possederat, tamen quia interdum iactari 

1 immolasset Rhenan.'. immolassent n. 

2 dubie M l (or Al*} : dubiae (or dubiem or dubiuin) fi. 


BOOK I. XLV. 3-xLvi. i 

with force of arms. But though it seemed that the B.C. 
Latins had lost all interest in this contention after 5 ' 8 ~ 534 
the repeated failure of their appeals to war, there 
was one man amongst the Sabines who thought that 
he saw an opportunity to recover the empire by a 
shrewd plan of his own, In the Sabine country, on 
the farm of a certain head of a family, there was 
born a heifer of extraordinary size and beauty ; a 
marvel to which the horns afterwards bore testimony, 
for they were fastened up for many generations in 
the vestibule of Diana's temple. This heifer was 
regarded as a prodigy, as indeed it was ; soothsayers 
prophesied that the state whose citizens should sacri- 
fice the animal to Diana would be the seat of empire, 
and this prediction had reached the ears of the priest 
of Diana's shrine. On the earliest day which seemed 
suitable for the sacrifice, the Sabine drove the heifer 
to Rome, and bringing her to the shrine of Diana, 
led her up to the altar. There the Roman priest, 
moved by the great size of the victim, which had 
been much talked of, and recalling the prophecy, 
asked the Sabine, " What is this that you are doing, 
stranger ? Would you sacrifice, unpurified, to Diana ? 
Not so ! First bathe in a running stream ; the Tiber 
flows by in the bottom of the valley." The stranger, 
touched by a scruple and wishing to do everything ac- 
cording to ritual, that the prodigy might be answered 
by the event, at once descended to the Tiber. Mean- 
while the Roman offered the heifer to Diana, an act 
which was exceedingly acceptable to the king and 
the citizens. 

XLVI. Servius had by this time a definite pre- 
scriptive right to the supreme power. Still, hearing 



A.U.C. voces a iuvene Tarquinio audiebat se iniussu populi 

176-220 , ... 

regnare, concihata prius voluntate plebis agro capto 
ex hostibus viritim diviso ausus est ferre ad populum, 
vellent iuberentne se regnare ; tantoque consensu 
quanto baud quisquam alius ante rex est declaratus. 

2 Neque ea res Tarquinio spem adfectandi regni 
minuit ; immo eo impensius, quia de agro plebis 
adversa 1 patrum voluntate 2 senserat agi, criminandi 
Servi apud patres cresceiidique in curia sibi occasio- 
nem datam ratus est, et ipse iuvenis ardentis animi 
et domi uxore Tullia inquietum aiiinium stimulante. 

3 Tulit enim et Romana regia sceleris tragici exem- 
plum, ut taedio regum maturior veniret libertas ulti- 
mumque regnuni esset quod scelere parttim foret. 

4 Hie L. Tarquinius Prisci Tarquini regis filius ne- 
posne fuerit parum liquet ; pluribus tamen auctori- 
bus filium ediderim fratrem habuerat Arruntem 

5 Tarquinium, mitis ingenii iuvenem. His duobus, ut 
ante dictum est, duae Tulliae regis filiae nupserant, 
et ipsae longe dispares moribus. Forte ita inciderat 
ne duo violenta ingenia matrimonio iungerentur for- 
tuna, credo, populi Romani, quo diuturnius Servi 
regnum esset constituique civitatis mores possent. 

1 adversa M 2 PO ? : adversam (or -um) H. 
* voluntate 5- : uoluntatem n. 

1 The reference is to the stories of Atreus and Oedipus. 

BOOK I. XLVI. 1-5 

that the young Tarquinius now and then threw out B.C. 
a hint that he was reigning without the consent of 578 ~ 53 ' 
the people, he proceeded to gain the goodwill of 
the commons by dividing among all the citizens 
the land obtained by conquest from the enemy ; 
after which he made bold to call upon the people 
to vote whether he should be their ruler, and was 
declared king with such unanimity as none of his 
predecessors had experienced. Yet the circumstance 
did not lessen Tarquinius's hopes of obtaining the 
kingship. On the contrary, perceiving that the be- 
stowal of land on the plebeians was in opposition to the 
wishes of the senate, he felt that he had got the better 
opportunity of vilifying Servius to the Fathers and 
of increasing his own influence in the senate-house. 
He was a hot-headed youth himself, and he had at 
hand, in the person of Tullia his wife, one who 
goaded on his restless spirit. For the royal house of 
Rome produced an example of tragic guilt, as others 
had done, 1 in order that loathing of kings might 
hasten the coming of liberty, and that the end of 
reigning might come in that reign which was the 
fruit of crime. This Lucius Tarquinius whether 
he was the son or the grandson of King Tarquinius 
Priscus is uncertain ; but, following the majority of 
historians, I would designate him son had a brother, 
Arruns Tarquinius, a youth of a gentle disposition. 
These two, as has been said before, had married the 
two Tullias, daughters of the king, themselves of 
widely different characters. Chance had so ordered 
matters that the two violent natures should not be 
united in wedlock, thanks doubtless to the good 
fortune of the Roman People, that the reign of 
Servius might be prolonged and the traditions of 



A.U.C. 6 Angebatur ferox Tullia nihil materiae in viro neque 


ad cupiditatem neque ad audaciam esse ; tota in 
alterum aversa l Tarquinium eum mirari, eum virum 
dicere ac regio sanguine ortum : spernere sororem, 

7 quod virum nacta muliebri cessaret audacia. Con- 
trahit celeriter similitude eos, ut fere fit : malum 
malo aptissimum ; sed initium turbandi omnia a 
femina ortum est. Ea secretis viri alieni adsuefacta 
sermonibus nullis verborum contumeliis parcere de 
viro ad fratrem, de sorore ad virum ; et se rectius 
viduam et ilium caelibem futurum fuisse contendere, 
quam cum inpari iungi, ut elanguescendum aliena 

8 ignavia esset. Si sibi eum, quo digna esset, di 
dedissent virum, domi se propediem visuram regnum 
fuisse, quod apud patrem videat. Celeriter adules- 

9 centem suae temeritatis implet. 2 Prope continuatis 
funeribus cum domos vacuas novo matrimonio fecis- 
sent, iunguntur nuptiis magis non prohibente Servio 
quam adprobante. 

XLVII. Turn vero in dies infestior Tulli senectus, 

infestius coepit regnum esse. lam enim ab scelere 

ad aliud spectare mulier scelus, nee nocte nee inter- 

diu virum conquiescere pati, ne gratuita praeterita 

2 parricidia essent : non sibi defuisse cui nupta dice- 

1 aversa j- : adversa D ? : versa (or versam or adversa) CL. 

2 Between implet and prope the MSS. give the words 
Arruns Tarquinius et Tullia minor which Walters brackets. 



the state become established. It was distressing to B.C. 
the headstrong Tullia that her husband should be 578 ~ 
destitute of ambition and enterprise. With her whole 
soul she turned from him to his brother ; him she 
admired, him she called a man and a prince : she 
despised her sister because, having got a man for 
a mate, she lacked a woman's daring. Their simi- 
larity soon brought these two together, as is gener- 
ally the case, for evil is strongly drawn to evil ; but 
it was the woman who took the lead in all the 
mischief. Having become addicted to clandestine 
meetings with another's husband, she spared no terms 
of insult when speaking of her own husband to his 
brother, or of her sister to that sister's husband. 
She urged that it would have been juster for her to 
be unmarried and for him to lack a wife than for 
them to be united to their inferiors and be com- 
pelled to languish through the cowardice of others. 
If the gods had given her the man she deserved she 
would soon have seen in her own house the royal 
power which she now saw in her father's. It was 
not long before she had inspired the young man 
with her own temerity, and, having made room in 
their respective houses for a new marriage, by deaths 
which followed closely upon one another, they were 
joined together in nuptials which Servius rather 
tolerated than approved. 

XLVI I. From that moment the insecurity of the 
aged Tullius and the menace to his authority in- 
creased with each succeeding day. For the woman 
was already looking forward from one crime to an- 
other, nor would she allow her husband any rest by 
night or day, lest the murders they had done before 
should be without effect. She had not wanted a 



A.U.C. retur. nee cum quo tacita serviret ; defuisse qui se 


regno dignum putaret, qui meminisset se esse Prisci 
Tarquini filium, qui habere quam sperare regnum 

3 mallet. "Si tu is es cui nuptam esse me arbitror, 
et virum et regem appello ; sin minus, eo nunc peius 
mutata res est quod istic cum ignavia est scelus. 

4 Quin accingeris ? Non tibi ab Corintho nee ab Tar- 
quiniis, ut patri tuo, peregrina regna moliri necesse 
est : di te penates patriique et patris imago et 
domus regia et in domo regale solium et nomen 

5 Tarquinium creat vocatque regem. Aut si ad haec 
parum est animi, quid frustraris civitatem ? Quid te 
ut regium iuvenem conspici sinis ? Facesse hinc 
Tarquinios aut Corinthum, devolvere retro ad stir- 

6 pern, fratris similior quam patris." His aliisque 
increpando iuvenem instigat, nee conquiescere ipsa 
potest, si, cum Tanaquil peregrina mulier tantum 
moliri potuisset animo ut duo continua regna viro ac 
deinceps genero dedisset, ipsa regio semine orta 
nullum momentum 1 in dando adimendoque regno 

7 faceret. His muliebribus instinctus furiis Tarquinius 
circumire et prensare minorum maxime gentium 
patres ; admonere paterni beneficii ac pro eo gratiam 
repetere ; allicere donis iuvenes ; cum de se ingentia 

1 momentum D-R*$-\ momenmentum D : monumentum n. 


man just to be called a wife, just to endure servi- B.C. 
tude with him in silence ; she had wanted one who 
should deem himself worthy of the sovereignty, 
who bethought him that he was the son of Tar- 
quinius Priscus, who preferred the possession of the 
kingship to the hope of it. " If you are he," 
she cried, " whom I thought I was marrying, I call 
you both man and king ; if not, then I have so far 
changed for the worse, in that crime is added, in 
your case, to cowardice. Come, rouse yourself! You 
are not come, like your father, from Corinth or Tar- 
quinii, that you must make yourself king in a strange 
land ; the gods of your family and your ancestors, 
your father's image, the royal palace, with its throne, 
and the name of Tarquinius create and proclaim you 
king. Else, if you have no courage for this, why do 
you cheat the citizens ? why do you suffer yourself 
to be looked on as a prince ? Away with you to Tar- 
quinii or Corinth ! Sink back into the rank of your 
family, more like your brother than your father ! " 
With these and other taunts she excited the young 
man's ambition. Nor could she herself submit with 
patience to the thought that Tanaquil, a foreign 
woman, had exerted her spirit to such purpose as 
twice in succession to confer the royal power upon 
her husband first, and again upon her son-in-law 
if Tullia, the daughter of a king, were to count for 
nothing in bestowing and withdrawing a throne. 
Inspired by this woman's frenzy Tarquinius began 
to go about and solicit support, especially among the 
heads of the lesser families, whom he reminded of 
his father's kindness to them, and desired their 
favour in return ; the young men he attracted by 
gifts ; both by the great things he promised to do 



jk.n.c. pollicendo turn regis criminibus omnibus locis cres- 


8 cere. Postremo, ut iam agendae rei tempus visum 
est, stipatus agmine armatorum in forum inrupit. 
Inde omnibus perculsis pavore in regia sede pro 
curia sedens patres in curiam per praeconem ad 

9 regem Tarquinium citari iussit. Convenere extemplo, 
alii iam ante ad hoc praeparati, alii metu ne non 
venisse fraudi esset, novitate ac miraculo attoniti et 

10 iam de Servio actum rati. Ibi Tarquinius maledicta 
ab stirpe ultima orsus : servum servaque natum post 
mortem indignam parentis sui, non interregno, ut 
antea, inito, non comitiis habitis, non per suffragium 
populi, non auctoribus patribus, muliebri dono reg- 

11 num occupasse. Ita natum, ita creatum regem, fau- 
torem infimi generis hominum, ex quo ipse sit, odio 
alienae honestatis ereptum primoribus agrum sordi- 

12 dissimo cuique divisisse ; omnia onera quae commu- 
nia quondam fuerint, inclinasse in primores civitatis ; 
instituisse censum, ut insignis ad invidiam locuple- 
tiorum fortuna esset, et parata unde, ubi l vellet, 
egentissimis largiretur. 

1 untie ubi M : ubi a. 

BOOK I. XLVII. 7-12 

himself, and by slandering the king as well, he every- B.C. 
where strengthened his interest. At length, when 678 ~ 
it seemed that the time for action was now come, 
he surrounded himself with a body of armed men 
and burst into the Forum. Then, amidst the general 
consternation which ensued, he seated himself on the 
throne in front of the Curia, and commanded, by the 
mouth of a herald, that the senators should come to 
King Tarquinius at the senate-house. They at once 
assembled : some of them already prepared before- 
hand, others afraid that they might be made to suffer 
for it if they did not come ; for they were astounded 
at this strange and wonderful sight, and supposed 
that Servius was utterly undone. Tarquinius then 
went back to the very beginning of Servius's family 
and abused the king for a slave and a slave-woman's 
son who, after the shameful death of his own father, 
Tarquinius Priscus, had seized the power ; there had 
been no observance of the interregnum, as on former 
occasions ; there had been no election held ; not by 
the votes of the people had sovereignty come to him, 
not with the confirmation of the Fathers, but by a 
woman's gift. Such having been his birth, and such 
his appointment to the kingship, he had been an 
abettor of the lowest class of society, to which he 
himself belonged, and his hatred of the nobility 
possessed by others had led him to plunder the 
leading citizens of their land and divide it amongst 
the dregs of the populace. All the burdens which 
had before been borne in common he had laid upon 
the nation's foremost men. He had instituted the 
census that he might hold up to envy the fortunes of 
the wealthy, and make them available, when he chose 
to draw upon them, for largesses to the destitute. 



A.U.C. XLVIII. Huic oration! Servius cum intervenisset 

trepido nuntio excitatus, extemplo a vestibule curiae 
magna voce "Quid hoc," inquit, "Tarquini, rei est ? 
Qua tu audacia me vivo vocare ausus es patres aut in 

2 sede considere mea ? " Cum ille ferociter ad haec, 
se patris sui tenere sedem, multo quam servum 
potiorem filium regis regni heredem, satis ilium diu 
per liceiitiam eludentem insultasse dominis, clamor 
ab utriusque fautoribus oritur, et concursus populi 
fiebat in curiam, apparebatque regnaturum qui vicis- 

3 set. Turn Tarquinius necessitate iam etiam ipsa 
cogente ultima audere, multo et aetate et viribus 
validior, medium arripit Servium elatumque e curia 
in inferiorem partem per gradus deiecit ; inde ad 

4 cogendum senatum in curiam rediit. Fit fuga regis 
apparitorum atque comitum : ipse prope exsanguis 
cum sine regio comitatu domum se reciperet ab iis, 1 
qui missi ab Tarquinio fugientem consecuti erant 

5 interficitur. Creditor, quia non abhorret a cetero 
scelere, admonitu Tulliae id factum. Carpento certe, 
id quod satis constat, in forum invecta, nee reverita 
coetum virorum, evocavit virum e curia regemque 

6 prima appellavit. A quo facessere iussa ex tanto 
tumultu, cum se domum reciperet pervenissetque ad 
summum Cyprium vicum, ubi Diariium nuper fuit, 

1 cum sine regio comitatu domum se reciperet ab iis 
Alschefski : cum semianimis (or -mes) regio comitatu domum 
ee reciperet pervenissetque ad summum cos primum 
vicum fl. 



XL VI 1 1. In the midst of this harangue Servius, B.O. 
who had been aroused by the alarming news, came 578 ~ 534 
up and immediately called out in a loud voice from 
the vestibule of the Curia : " What means this, Tar- 
quinius ? With what assurance have you dared, while 
I live, to convene the Fathers or to sit in my chair?" 
Tarquinius answered truculently that it was his own 
father's seat he occupied ; that the king's son was a 
fitter successor to his kingdom than a slave was ; that 
Tullius had long enough been suffered to mock his 
masters and insult them. Shouts arose from the 
partisans of each, and the people began to rusli into 
the senate-house ; it was clear that he would be 
king who won the day. Tarquinius was now com- 
pelled by sheer necessity to go on boldly to the 
end. Being much superior to Servius in youth and 
strength, he seized him by the middle, and bearing 
him out of the senate-house, flung him down the 
steps. He then went back into the Curia to hold 
the senate together. The king's servitors and com- 
panions fled. The king himself, half fainting, was 
making his way home without the royal attendants, 
when the men whom Tarquinius had sent in pursuit 
of the fugitive came up with him and killed him. 
It is believed, inasmuch as it is not inconsistent with 
the rest of her wickedness, that this deed was sug- 
gested by Tullia. It is agreed, at all events, that 
she was driven in her carriage into the Forum, and 
nothing abashed at the crowd of men, summoned 
her husband from the Curia and was the first to hail 
him king. Tarquinius bade her withdraw from so 
turbulent a scene. On her way home she had got 
to the top of the Vicus Cyprius, where the shrine of 
Diana recently stood, and was bidding her driver 



A.U.C. flectenti carpenLum dextra in Urbium cJivum ut in 
collem Esquiliarurn eveheretur, restitit pavidus atque 
inhibuit frenos is qui iumenta agebat, iacentemque 

7 dominae Servium trucidatum ostendit. Foedum 
inhumanumque inde traditur scelus, monumentoque 
locus est Sceleratum vicum vocant quo amens 
agitantibus furiis sororis ac viri, Tullia per patris 
corpus carpentum egisse fertur, partemque sanguinis 
ac caedis paternae cruento vehiculo, contaminata 
ipsa respersaque, tulisse 1 ad penates suos virique sui, 
quibus iratis malo regni principio similes propediem 
exitus sequerentur. 

8 Ser. Tullius regnavit annos quattuor et quad- 
raginta ita ut bono ctiam moderatoque succedenti 
regi difficilis aemulatio esset. Ceterum id quoque 
ad gloriam accessit quod cum illo simul iusta ac legi- 

9 tima regna occiderunt. Id ipsum tam mite ac tarn 
moderatum imperium tamen, quia unius esset, depo- 
nere eum in animo habuisse quidam auctores sunt, 
ni scelus intestinum liberandae patriae consilia agi- 
tanti 2 intervenisset. 

A.U.C. XLIX. Inde L. Tarquinius regnare occepit, cui 

2-0--J44 oi r i-j 

Superbo cognomen facta indiderunt, quia socerum 
gener sepultura prohibuit, Romulum quoque inse- 
2 pultum perisse dictitans, primoresque patrum, quos 
Servi rebus favisse credebat, interfecit ; conscius 
deinde male quaerendi regni ab se ipso adversus se 
exemplum capi posse, armatis corpus circumsaepsit ; 

1 tulisse flV : tulisset fl. 

2 agitanti 7?j- : agitanci Ml : agitandi A. 



turn to the right into the Clivus Urbius, to take her B c. 
to the Esquiliiie Hill, when the man gave a start of 578 ~ 534 
terror, and pulling up the reins pointed out to his 
mistress the prostrate form of the murdered Servius. 
Horrible and inhuman was the crime that is said to 
have ensued, which the place commemorates men 
call it the Street of Crime for there, crazed by the 
avenging spirits of her sister and her former hus- 
band, they say that Tullia drove her carriage over 
her father's corpse, and, herself contaminated and 
defiled, carried away on her vehicle some of her 
murdered father's blood to her own and her husband's 
penates, whose anger was the cause that the evil be- 
ginning of this reign was, at no long date, followed 
by a similar end. 

Servius Tullius had ruled forty-four years, so well 
that even a good and moderate successor would have 
found it hard to emulate him. But there was this 
to enhance his renown, that just and lawful kingship 
perished with him. Yet, mild and moderate though 
his sway was, some writers state that he had intended 
to resign it, as being a government by one man, had 
not the crime of one of his family interrupted his 
plans for the liberation of his country. 

XLIX. Now began the reign of Lucius Tarquinius, B.C. 
whose conduct procured him the surname of Superbus, 
or the Proud. For he denied the rites of sepulture 
to his own father-in-law, asserting that Romulus had 
also perished without burial. He put to death the 
leading senators, whom he believed to have favoured 
the cause of Servius and, conscious that a precedent 
for gaining the kingship by crime might be found 
in his own career and turned against himself, he 


LIV 7 Y 
A.U.C. 3 neque enim ad ius regni quicquam praeter vim 

22vV244 1 1 T M 

habebat, ut qui neque populi mssu neque auctonbus 

4 patribus regnaret. Eo accedebat ut in caritate 

civium nihil spei reponenti metu regnum tutandum 

esset. Quern ut pluribus incuteret, cognitiones capi- 

talium rerum sine consiliis per se solus exercebat, 

6 perque earn causam occidere, in exsilium agere, bonis 

multare poterat non suspectos modo aut invisos sed 

6 unde nihil aliud quam praedam sperare posset. Prae- 
cipue ita patrum iiumero imminuto statuit nullos in 
patres legere, quo contemptior paucitate ipsa ordo 

7 esset, minusque per se nihil agi indignarentur. Hie 
enim regum primus traditum l a prioribus morem de 
omnibus senatum consulendi solvit, domesticis con- 
siliis rem publicam administravit ; bellum, pacem, 
foedera, societates per se ipse, cum quibus voluit, 

8 iniussu populi ac senatus, fecit diremitque. Lati- 
norum sibi maxime gentem conciliabat, ut peregrinis 
quoque opibus tutior inter cives esset, neque hospitia 
modo cum primoribus eorum, sed adfinitates quoque 

9 iungebat. Octavio Mamilio Tusculano is longe 
princeps Latini nominis erat, si famae credimus, ab 
Ulixe deaque Circa oriundus ei Mamilio filiam nup- 
tum dat perque eas nuptias multos sibi cognatos 
amicosque eius conciliat. 

1 traditum Grynaeus 5- : ut traditur n. 

1 i.e. causes affecting the caput (which might mean either 
" life "or " civic rights ") of the accused. 

z Circe bore to Ulysses a son, Telegonus, who founded 


BOOK I. XLIX. 3-9 

assumed a body-guard. He had indeed no right to B.C. 
the throne but might, since he was ruling neither 534 " 510 
by popular decree nor senatorial sanction. More- 
over, as he put no trust in the affection of his people, 
he was compelled to safeguard his authority by 
fear. To inspire terror therefore in many persons, 
he adopted the practice of trying capital causes l by 
himself, without advisers ; and, under the pretext 
thus afforded, was able to inflict death, exile, and 
forfeiture of property, not only upon persons whom 
he suspected and disliked, but also in cases where he 
could have nothing to gain but plunder. It was 
chiefly the senators whose numbers were reduced 
by this procedure, and Tarquinius determined to 
make no new appointments to the order, that it 
might be the more despised for its very paucity, 
and might chafe less at being ignored in all business 
of state. For this king was the first to break with 
the custom handed down by his predecessors, of 
consulting the senate on all occasions, and governed 
the nation without other advice than that of his own 
household. War, peace, treaties, and alliances were 
entered upon or broken off by the monarch himself, 
with whatever states he wished, and without the 
decree of people or senate. The Latin race he 
strove particularly to make his friends, that his 
strength abroad might contribute to his security at 
home. He contracted with their nobles not only 
relations of hospitality but also matrimonial connec- 
tions. To Octavius Mamilius of Tusculum, a man 
by long odds the most important of the Latin name, 
and descended, if we may believe report, from Ulysses 
and the goddess Circe, 2 he gave his daughter in 
marriage, and in this way attached to himself the 
numerous kinsmen and friends of the man. 



A.U.C. L. lam magna Tarquini auctoritas inter Latinorum 

220-244 - . 

proceres erat, cum in diem certam ut ad lucum 
Ferentinae conveniant indicit : esse quae agere de 

2 rebus communibus velit. Conveniunt frequentes 
prima luce : ipse Tarquinius diem quidem servavit, 
sed paulo ante quam sol occideret venit. Multa ibi 
toto die in concilio variis iactata sermonibus erant. 

3 Turnus Herdonius ab Aricia ferociter in absentem 
Tarquinium erat invectus : baud mirum esse Superbo 
inditum Romae cognomen iam enim ita clam qui- 
dem mussitantes, volgo tamen eum appellabant. 
An quicquam superbius esse quam ludificari sic omne 

4 nomen Latinum ? Principibus longe l ab domo ex- 
citis, ipsum qui concilium indixerit non adesse. 
Temptari profecto patientiam ut, si iugum accepe- 
rint, obnoxios premat. Cui enim non apparere ad- 

5 fectare eum imperium in Latinos ? Quod si sui bene 
crediderint cives, aut si creditum illud et non raptum 
parricidio sit, credere et Latinos, quamquam ne sic 

6 quidem alienigenae, debere 2 ; sin suos eius paeniteat, 
quippe qui alii super alios trucidentur, exsulatum 
eant, bona amittant, quid spei melioris Latinis por- 
tendi ? Si se audiant, domum suam quemque inde 
abituros, neque magis observaturos diem concilii 

7 quam ipse qui indixerit observet. Haec atque alia 

1 Principibus (principibui 0) longe H : principibus enim U: 
longe M. a debere M : deberet (or -ent) n. 


BOOK I. L. 1-7 

L. Tarquinius had already won great influence B.C. 
with the Latin nobles, when he gave notice that 534 ~ 510 
they should assemble on a certain day at the grove 
of Ferentina, saying that there were matters of 
common interest which he wished to discuss. The 
Latins gathered at daybreak in large numbers ; Tar- 
quinius himself, though he did indeed keep the day, 
arrived but a little while before sundown. There 
had been much talk in the council all day about 
various subjects. Turnus Herdonius of Aricia had 
inveighed violently against the absent Tarquinius. 
He said it was no wonder he had been given the 
name of Superbus at Rome for that was the name 
by which they already called him, secretly and in 
whispers, but still quite generally ; could anything 
be more overbearing than to flout the whole Latin 
race as he was doing then ? Their leaders had been 
summoned from distant homes, and the very man who 
had called the council was not there. He was evi- 
dently trying their patience, intending, if they sub- 
mitted to the yoke, to use them as his vassals. For 
who could fail to see that he was aiming at sovereignty 
over the Latins ? If his own people had done well 
to intrust this to him, if indeed it had been intrusted 
to him at all, and had not been ravished by foul 
murder, then it was right that the Latins also should 
intrust it to him nav, not even then, for he was of 

/ * 

foreign birth ; but if his own subjects were weary ol 
him, as men who, one after another, were being made 
to suffer death, exile, confiscation, what better pros- 
pect was held out to the Latins? If they were guided 
by the speaker they would depart every man to his 
own home, nor observe the day of meeting more than 
he who had proclaimed it was observing it. As these 


A.U.C. eodem pertinentia seditiosus facinerosusque homo 


bisque artibus opes domi nactus cum maxime disse- 

8 reret, intervenit Tarquinius. Is finis orationi fuit ; 
aversi omnes ad Tarquinium salutandum. Qui silen- 
tio facto monitus a proximis ut purgaret se, quod id 
temporis venisset, disceptatorem ait se sumptum 
inter patrem et filium, cura reconciliandi eos in gra- 
tiam moratum esse, et quia ea res exemisset ilium 

9 diem, postero die acturum quae constituisset. Ne 
id quidem ab Turno tulisse taciturn ferunt ; dixisse 
enim nullam breviorem esse cognitionem quam inter 
patrem et filium, paucisque transigi verbis posse : ni 
pareat patri, habiturum infortunium esse. 

LI. Haec Aricinus in regem Romanum increpans 
ex concilio abiit. Quam rern Tarquinius aliquanto 
quam videbatur aegrius ferens confestim Turno ne- 
cem machinatur, ut eundem terrorem quo civium 

2 animos domi oppresserat Latinis iniceret. Et quia 
pro imperio palam interfici non poterat, oblato falso 
crimine insontem oppressit. Per adversae factionis 
quosdam Aricinos servum Turni auro corrupit, ut in 1 
deversorium eius vim magnam gladiorum iiiferri clam 

3 sineret. Ea cum una nocte perfecta essent, Tar- 
quinius paulo ante lucem accitis ad se principibus 

1 ut in HWAld.: in (ten 0} n. 
I 7 6 

BOOK I. L. 7-Li. 3 

words and others of the same import were being c 
uttered by the factious and turbulent Latin, who 5 34-5io 
owed to these qualities his influence amongst his own 
people, Tarquinius came up. This was the end of 
the speech ; all turned to salute Tarquinius. Silence 
was commanded, and the king, being advised by 
those nearest him to excuse himself for having come 
so late, declared that he had been chosen arbiter 
between a father and his son, and had been delayed 
by his anxiety to reconcile them. He added that 
since this business had used up that day, he would 
take up on the morrow the matters which he had 
meant to bring before them. They say that Turnus 
would not suffer even this to go unchallenged, as- 
serting that there was no question more quickly 
settled than one betwixt father and son, for these 
few words were enough to end it : " Unless you 
obey your father it will be the worse for you." 

LI. Girding thus against the Roman king, the 
Arician quitted the council. Tarquinius was con- 
siderably more vexed than he appeared to be, and 
at once looked about him for the means of destroying 
Turnus, that he might inspire in the Latins the same 
terror with which he had broken the spirit of the 
Romans. And since he could not openly put his man 
to death by virtue of sovereign right, he charged 
him with a crime of which he was innocent, and so 
destroyed him. Through the agency of certain men 
of the opposite party in Aricia, he bribed a slave of 
Turnus with gold to allow a large quantity of swords 
to be brought secretly into his master's lodging. 
Having accomplished this in a single night, Tar- 
quinius, shortly before dawn, summoned the chief 
men of the Latins to his quarters, pretending to 



A.U.C. Latinorum quasi re nova perturbatus. moram suam 


hesternam, velut deorum quadam providentia inla- 

4 tarn, ait saluti sibi atque illis fuisse. Ab Turno dici 
sibi et primoribus populorum parari necem ut Lati- 
norum solus imperium teneat. Adgressurum fuisse 
hesterno die in concilio ; dilatam rem esse, quod 

5 auctor concilii afuerit, quern maxime peteret. Inde 
illam absentis insectationem esse natam, quod mo- 
rando spem destituerit. Non dubitare, si vera defe- 
rantur, quin prima luce, ubi ventum in concilium 
sit, instructus cum coniuratorum manu armatusque 

6 venturus sit. Dici gladiorum ingentem esse nume- 
rum ad eum convectum. Id vanum 1 necne sit ex- 
templo sciri posse. Rogare eos ut inde secum ad 

7 Turnum veniant. Suspectam fecit rem et ingenium 
Turni ferox et oratio hesterna et mora Tarquini, 
quod videbatur ob earn differri caedes potuisse. Eunt 
inclinatis quidem ad credendum animis, tamen nisi 

8 gladiis deprehensis cetera vana existimaturi. Ubi 
est eo ventum, Turnum ex somno excitatum circum- 
sistunt custodes ; comprehensisque servis, qui caritate 
domini vim parabant, cum gladii abditi ex omnibus 
locis deverticuli protraherentur, enimvero manifesta 

1 vanum n : uarum R : ucrum R*L. 
I 7 8 

BOOK I. LI. 3-8 

have received alarming news, and informed them B.C. 
that his tardiness on the preceding day, as though 34 ~ 510 
somehow providentially occasioned, had been the 
means of saving himself and them. For he was 
told that Turnus was plotting his murder and that 
of the chief men of the different cities, that he might 
be sole ruler over the Latins. He would have at- 
tacked them the day before in the council, but had 
postponed the attempt because the summoner of the 
council, whom he chiefly aimed at, was not there. 
That was the reason Turnus had railed at him in his 
absence, for his delay had balked the Arician's ex- 
pectation. Tarquinius said that he had no doubt, if 
his information was true, that Turnus would come at 
dawn, when they had assembled in the council, and 
would be armed and attended by a band of conspi- 
rators. It was said that a great quantity of swords 
had been carried to his lodging; the falsity or truth 
of this could be ascertained immediately, and he 
asked them to go with him to Turnus's quarters. 
The charge was made plausible both by the aggres- 
sive spirit of Turnus and his speech of the day 
before, and by Tarquinius's delay, since it seemed 
that the massacre might have been postponed on 
that account. The nobles went therefore with a dis- 
position to believe the story, but still, if the swords 
should not be found, they were prepared to conclude 
the other charges false. As soon as they reached the 
place they w r akened Turnus from his sleep and sur- 
rounded him with guards ; and having overpowered 
the slaves, who out of affection for their master 
would have resorted to force, they proceeded to 
pull out the hidden swords from every corner of 
the inn. There was now no doubt that Turnus was 



A-u . c . res visa, iniectaeque Turno catenae ; et confestim 
Latinorum concilium magno cum tumultu advocatur. 
9 Ibi tarn atrox invidia orta est gladiis in medio 
positis ut indicta causa, novo gen ere leti, deiectus 
ad caput aquae Ferentinae crate superne iniecta 
saxisque congestis mergeretur. 

LI I. Revocatis deinde ad concilium Latinis Tar- 
quinius conlaudatisque qui Turnum novantem res 
pro manifesto parricidio merita poena adfecissent, 

2 ita verba fecit : posse quidem se vetusto iure 
agere, quod, cum omnes Latini ab Alba oriundi 
sint, eo foedere l teneantur quo 2 ab Tullo res omnis 
Albana cum coloniis 3 suis in Romanum cesserit 

3 imperium ; ceterum se utilitatis id magis omnium 
causa censere ut renovetur id foedus, secundaque 
potius fortuna populi Romani ut participes Latini 
fruantur quam urbium excidia vastationesque agro- 
rum,, quas Anco prius, patre deinde suo regnante 
perpessi sint, semper aut exspectent aut patiantur. 

4 Hand difficulter persuasum Latinis, quamquam in eo 
foedere superior Romana res erat ; ceterum et capita 
nominis Latini stare ac sentire cum rege videbant, et 
sui 4 cuique periculi, si adversatus esset, recens erat 

5 documentum. Ita renovatum foedus indictumque 

1 eo foedere Pcrizonius : in eo foedere n. 

2 quo f : quod n. * coloniis 5- : colonis n. 
4 siii M ': Turnus sui ft. 

1 In the account of this treaty at xxiv. 3 no Alban 
colonies are mentioned, nor do we know of any. Conway 
and Walters, therefore, keep colonis of the MSS., but we 
should rather expect civibus in this context. 


BOOK I. LI. 8-Lii. 5 

caught in the act, and he was cast into chains, while B.C. 
the summons was instantly sent out, amidst intense 534 ~ 
excitement, for a council of the Latins. There such 
bitter resentment was aroused by the public display 
of the swords, that the accused was not permitted 
to plead his cause, but suffered a new kind of death, 
being plunged into the source of the Ferentine Water 
and sunk beneath a wicker crate heaped up with 

LII. Tarquinius then called the Latins again 
to the place of council, and praised them for the 
punishment which they had justly meted out to the 
rebellious attempt of Turnus, in view of the treason 
in which he had just been taken. The king then 
went on to say that it was in his power to proceed 
according to an ancient right, since all the Latins, 
having sprung from Alba, were included in that 
treaty by which, from the time of Tullus, the whole 
Alban state, with its colonies, had come under Rome's 
dominion. 1 But the advantage of all would be better 
served, he thought, if that treaty were renewed and 
the good fortune of the Roman people w r ere thrown 
open to the participation of the Latins, than if they 
were always to be dreading or enduring the razing 
of their cities and the devastation of their lands 
which they had suffered first in Ancus's reign and 
afterward in that of the speaker's father. It was 
not difficult to persuade the Latins, although the 
Roman interest preponderated in this treaty. For 
the rest, they saw that the chiefs of the Latin name 
stood with the king and took his view of the matter, 
and they had just been given a demonstration of the 
danger they would each incur if they opposed the 
project. So the treaty was renewed, and the Latin 



A.U.C. iunioribus Latinorum ut ex foedere die certa ad 


6 lucum Ferentinae armati frequentes adessent. Qui 
ubi ad edictum Roman! regis ex omnibus populis 
convenere, ne ducem suum neve secretum imperium 
propriave signa haberent, miscuit manipulos ex 
Latinis Romanisque ut ex binis singulos faceret 
binosque ex singulis ; ita geminatis manipulis cen- 
turiones imposuit. 

LIII. Nee ut iniustus in pace rex, ita dux belli 
pravus fuit ; quin ea arte aequasset superiores reges, 
ni degeneratum in aliis huic quoque decori offecisset. 

2 Is primus Volscis bellum in ducentos amplius post 
suam aetatem annos movit. Suessamque Pometiam 

3 ex iis vi cepit. Ubi cum divendita l praeda quad- 
raginta talenta argenti refecisset, 2 concepit animo 
earn amplitudiiiem lovis templi quae digna deum 
hominumque rege, quae Romano imperio, quae ipsius 
etiam loci maiestate esset. Captivam pecuniam in 
aedificationem eilis templi seposuit. 

4 Excepit deinde eum 8 lentius spe bellum, quo 
Gabios, propinquam urbem, nequiquam vi adortus, 
cum obsidendi quoque urbem spes pulso a moenibus 
adempta esset, postremo minime arte Romana, fraude 

1 divendita $- : dividenta M : dividenda n. 

a refecisset Gronov. P 1 or P 2 mary.: refecisset coepisset 
(or r. ac recepisset) MRDL : reque cepisset (or reccepisset 
or cepisset) fl. 3 deinde eum fl : deinde M. 

1 A Roman maniple was divided into halves, and each 
half was combined with the half of a Latin maniple, similarly 
divided, to form a new unit. The maniples were not, 
strictly speaking, doubled. 


BOOK I. LI i. 5-LMi. 4 

juniors were commanded to present themselves at B.C. 
the grove of Ferentina on a certain day, armed and 534 ~ 5!C 
in full force, as the treaty prescribed. When they 
had assembled, agreeably to the king's edict, from 
the different districts, Tarquinius was unwilling that 
they should have their own leaders, or a separate 
command, or their own standards ; he therefore 
mingled Latins and Romans in the maniples, making 
one maniple of two and two of one, and over the 
maniples thus doubled he put centurions. 1 

LI 1 1. But if the king was unjust in peace, yet he 
was not a bad general in war. Indeed, he would have 
equalled in this art the kings who had gone before 
him, if his degeneracy in other things had not also 
dimmed his glory here. It was he who began the 
war with the Volsci which was to last more than two 
hundred years after his time, and took Suessa Po- 
metia from them by storm. There, having sold oft 
the booty and raised forty talents of silver, 2 he con- 
ceived the project of a temple of Jupiter so magnifi- 
cent that it should be worthy of the king of gods 
and men, the Roman empire, and the majesty of the 
site itself. The money from the captured city he 
put aside to build this temple. 

He then engaged in an unexpectedly tedious war 
with Gabii, a neighbouring town. After first as- 
saulting the place in vain, he laid siege to it, but 
this attempt was as unsuccessful as the other, for 
he was driven off from the walls ; and he finally 
resorted to the policy, so unlike a Roman, of deceit 

2 As Livy gives the sum in talents, it has been suggested 
that he may here be following Fabius Pictor, whose history 
was written in Greek. The Euboic talent was worth roughly 
220 or $1,060. 


v.u.c. 5 ac dolo, adgressus est. Nam cum velut posito bello 


fundamentis templi iaciendis l aliisque urbanis operi- 
bus intentum se esse simularet, Sextus films eius, 
qui minimus ex tribus erat, transfugit ex composite 
Gabios, patris in se saevitiam intolerabilem conque- 

6 rens : iam ab alienis in suos vertisse superbiam, et 
liberorum quoque eum frequentiae taedere, ut quam 
in curia solitudinem fecerit domi quoque faciat, ne 
quam stirpem, ne quern heredem regni relinquat. 

7 Se quidem inter tela et gladios patris elapsum nihil 
usquam sibi tutum nisi apud hostes L. Tarquini 
credidisse. Nam ne errarent, manere iis bellum quod 
positum simuletur, et per occasionem eum incautos 

8 invasurum. Quod si apud eos supplicibus locus non 
sit, pererraturum se omne Latium, Volscosque inde 2 
et Aequos et Hernicos petiturum, donee ad eos per- 
veniat qui a patrtim crudelibus atque impiis suppli- 

9 ciis tegere liberos sciant. Forsitan etiam ardoris 
aliquid ad bellum armaque se ad versus superbissi- 
mum regem ac ferocissimum populum inventurum. 

10 Cum, si nihil morarentur, infensus ira porro inde 
abiturus videretur, benigne ab Gabinis excipitur. 
Vetant mirari si, qualis in cives, qualis in socios, 

11 talis ad ultimum in liberos esset ; in se ipsum post- 

1 iaciendis Vacosanus $ : faciendis A. 

2 inde Gronov.: se inde fl. 


BOOK I. LIII. 4-n 

and trickery. For he pretended to have given up B .c. 
the war and to be engros? ed in laying the founda- 634 - 
tions of his temple and in c )ther cit y works, arranging 
meanwhile to let Sextus, wP was the youngest of his 
three sons, desert to Gabii- and there complain that 
his father was intolerably c ruel to him - Hi8 father's 
pride, he said, was now diverted from strangers 
upon his own family. Ev en his children were too 
many to please him, and t he solitude which he had 
caused in the senate-housP he wj shed to bring to 
pass in his own home also, that ne might leave no 
descendant, no heir to hi s kingdom. The young 
man said that he had him? elf escaped from amidst 
the swords and javelins of l lis father, and had made 
up his mind that there wa s no safety for him any- 
where save with the enem ies of Lucius Tarquinius. 
Let them not delude theri 186 ^ 68 , he said J the war 
which the king pretended to have abandoned was 
still awaiting them, and V hen the chance offered 
he would attack them U n^ wares - But if they ha d 
no room for suppliants, he was prepared to wander 
all over Latium, and thenc se ek out the Volsci and 
the Aequi and the Hernio^ till a * la st he should 
come to people who kne w how to protect a son 
from the cruel and wicked tortures inflicted on him 
by a father. Possibly he n"g ht even discover some 
enthusiasm for war and arn ls a g a inst the haughtiest 
of kings and the most insP lent of nations. When 
it appeared that if they w ere indifferent he would 
leave them in anger and continue his flight, the 
Gabini bade him welcome. The y told him not to 
be surprised if the king h ad been the same to his 
children that he had beer 1 to his subjects, to his 
allies; he would end by Venting his cruelty upon 



A.U.C. remo saeviturum, si alia desint. Sibi vero gratum 


adventum eius esse, futurumque credere brevi ut 
illo adiuvante a portis Gabinis sub Romana moenia 
bellum transferatur. 

LIV. Inde in consilia publica adhiberi. Ubi 
cum de aliis rebus adsentiri se veteribus Gabinis 
diceret, quibus eae notiores essent, ipse identidem 
belli auctor esse et in l eo sibi praecipuam pru- 
dentiam adsumere, quod utriusque populi vires 
nosset sciretque invisam profecto superbiam regiam 
civibus esse, quam ferre ne liberi quidem potuis- 

2 sent. Ita cum sensim ad rebellandum primores 
Gabinorum incitaret, ipse cum promptissimis iuve- 
num praedatum atque in expeditiones iret, et dictis 
factisque omnibus ad fallendum instructis vana ad- 

3 cresceret fides, dux ad ultimum belli legitur. Ibi 
cum inscia multitudine quid ageretur proelia parva 
inter Romam Gabiosque fierent, quibus plerumque 
Gabina res superior esset, turn certatim summi infi- 
mique Gabinorum Sex. Tarquinium dono deum sibi 

4 missum ducem credere. Apud milites vero obeundo 
pericula ac labores pariter, praedam munifice largi- 
endo, tanta caritate esse ut non pater Tarquinius 

esse et in Alschefski : esset in fl. 
1 86 



himself if other objects failed him. But for their B.C. 
own part, they said, they were glad of his coming, 
and they believed that in a short time, with his 
help, the seat of war would be shifted from the 
gates of Gabii to the walls of Rome. 

LIV. Sextus next obtained admission to the 
Gabian councils of state, where, on all subjects 
but one, he professed a deference for the opinion 
of those who had long been citizens of Gabii and 
were better acquainted with the facts. War, how- 
ever, he did take it upon himself to urge, again 
and again ; and in so doing he assumed a special 
competence, as one who was acquainted with the 
strength of both nations, and knew that the king's 
pride must necessarily be hateful to all the citi- 
zens, since even his children had not been able 
to put up with it. In this way, little by little, 
he stirred up the leaders of the Gabini to reopen 
the war. He would himself take the boldest of 
the young men and go upon raids and forays. 
All his words and acts were calculated to deceive, 
and their ill-grounded confidence so increased 
that in the end he was chosen commander-in-chief. 
The war began, and the people had no suspicion 
of what was going forward. Skirmishes took place 
between Rome and Gabii, in which, as a rule, 
the Gabini had the best of it. Thereupon their 
citizens, both high and low, contended who should 
be loudest in expressing the belief that in Sextus 
Tarquinius they had a heaven-sent leader. And the 
soldiers, seeing him ever ready to share in their 
dangers and hardships, and ever lavish in distri- 
buting the plunder, came to love him so devotedly 
that the elder Tarquinius was not more truly master 



A.U.C. 6 potentior Romae quam filius Gabiis esset. Itaque 

220-244 , , 

postquam satis virium conlectum ad omnes conatus 
videbat, turn ex suis ununi sciscitatum Romam ad 
patrem mittit quidnam se facere vellet, quandoqui- 
dem ut omnia unus publice Gabiis 1 posset ei di 

6 dedissent. Huic nuntio quia, credo, dubiae fidei 
videbatur, nihil voce responsum est; rex velut deli- 
berabundus in hortum aedium transit sequente nun- 
tio filii ; ibi inambulans tacitus summa papaverum 

7 capita dicitur baculo decussisse. Interrogando ex- 
spectandoque responsum nuntius fessus, ut re imper- 
fecta, redit Gabios ; quae dixerit ipse quaeque viderit 
refert : seu ira, seu odio, seu superbia insita ingenio 

8 nullam eum vocem emisisse. Sexto ubi quid vellet 
parens quidve praeciperet tacitis ambagibus patuit, 
primores civitatis criminando alios apud populum, 

9 alios sua ipsos invidia opportunos interemit. Multi 
palam, quidam, in quibus minus speciosa criminatio 
erat futura, clam interfecti. Patuit quibusdam volen- 
tibus fuga, aut in exsilium acti sunt, absentiumque 

10 bona iuxta atque interemptorum divisui fuere. Lar- 
gitiones inde praedaeque ; et dulcedine privati corn- 
modi sensus malorum publicorum adimi, donee orba 
consilio auxilioque Gabina res regi Romano sine ulla 
dimicatione in manum traditur. 

1 publice Gabiis Heerwugtn : P (or p or prae) Gabiis ft : 
p. Gabinis PBFO : populis Gabinis facere U. 

1 88 

BOOK I. LIV. 4-10 

in Rome than was his son in Gabii. And so, when B.C. 
Sextus saw that he had acquired strength enough 634 ~ 51C 
for any enterprise, he despatched one of his own 
followers to his father in Rome, to ask what the 
king might please to have him do, since the gods 
had granted that at Gabii all power in the state 
should rest with him alone. To this messenger, I 
suppose because he seemed not quite to be trusted, 
no verbal reply was given. The king, as if absorbed 
in meditation, passed into the garden of his house, 
followed by his son's envoy. There, walking up and 
down without a word, he is said to have struck off 
the heads of the tallest poppies with his stick. Tired 
of asking questions and waiting for an answer, the 
messenger returned to Gabii, his mission, as he 
thought, unaccomplished. He reported what he had 
said himself and what he had seen. Whether from 
anger, or hatred, or native pride, the king, he said, 
had not pronounced a single word. As soon as it 
was clear to Sextus what his father meant and what 
was the purport of his silent hints, he rid himself of 
the chief men of the state. Some he accused before 
the people ; against others he took advantage of the 
odium they had themselves incurred. Many were 
openly executed ; some, whom it would not have 
looked well to accuse, were put to death in secret. 
Some were permitted, if they chose, to leave the 
country ; or they were driven into banishment, and 
once out of the way, their property was forfeited, 
just as in the case of those who had been put to 
death. Thence came largesses and spoils, and in 
the sweetness of private gain men lost their feeling 
for the wrongs of the nation, until, deprived of 
counsel and aid, the state of Gabii was handed over 
unresisting to the Roman king. 


VOL. I. H 


A.TJ.C. LV. Gabiis receptis Tarqninius pacem cum Aequo- 

220-244 X 

rum gente fecit, foedus cum Tuscis renovavit. Inde 
ad negotia urbana animum convertit ; quorum erat 
primum ut lovis templum in monte Tarpeio monu- 
mentum regni sui nominisque relinqueret: Tarquinios 

2 reges ambos patrem vovisse, filium perfecisse. Et ut 
libera a ceteris religionibus area esset tota lovis tem- 
plique eius quod inaedificaretur, exaugurare fana 
sacellaque statuit, quae aliquot ibi, a Tatio rege 
primum in ipso discrimine adversus Romulum pugnae 

3 vota, consecrata inaugurataque postea fuerant. Inter 
principia condendi huius operis movisse numen ad 
indicandam tanti imperil molem traditur deos. Nam 
cum omnium sacellorum exaugurationes admitterent 

4 aves, in Termini fano non addixere ; idque omen 
auguriumque ita acceptum est, non motam Termini 
sedem unumque eum deorum non evocatum sacratis 

6 sibi finibus firma stabiliaque cuncta portendere. Hoc 
perpetuitatis auspicio accepto secutum aliud magni- 
tudinem imperii portendens prodigium est : caput 
humanum integra facie aperientibus fundamenta 

6 templi dicitur apparuisse. Quae visa species haud 
per ambages arcem earn imperii caputque rerum fore 
portendebat, idque ita cecinere vates, quique in urbe 

1 i.e. the Capitoline. So Propertius calls the Capitoline 
Jupiter "Tarpeius Pater" (iv. i. 7). 


BOOK I. LV. 1-6 

LV. Having got possession of Gabii, Tarquinius B.C. 
made peace with the Aequian nation and renewed 
the treaty with the Etruscans. He next turned his 
attention to affairs in the city. Here his first concern 
was to build a temple of Jupiter on the Tarpeian 
Mount l to stand as a memorial of his reign and of 
his name, testifying that of the two Tarquinii, both 
kings, the father had made the vow and the son had 
fulfilled it. And that the site might be free from all 
other religious claims and belong wholly to Jupiter 
and his temple, which was building there, he deter- 
mined to annul the consecration of several fanes and 
shrines which had been first vowed by King Tatius 
at the crisis of the battle against Romulus, and had 
afterwards been consecrated and inaugurated. At 
the very time when he began this task the gods are 
said to have exerted their power to show the magni- 
tude of this mighty empire. For whereas the birds 
permitted that the consecrations of all the other 
shrines should be rescinded, they refused their con- 
sent for the shrine of Terminus. This omen and 
augury was thus construed : the fact that the seat of 
Terminus was not moved, and that of all the gods 
he alone was not called away from the place conse- 
crated to him, meant that the whole kingdom would 
be firm and steadfast. When this auspice of perma- 
nence had been received, there followed another 
prodigy foretelling the grandeur of their empire. 
A human head, its features intact, was found, so it is 
said, by the men who were digging for the founda- 
tions of the temple. This appearance plainly fore- 
showed that here was to be the citadel of the empire 
and the head of the world, and such was the inter- 
pretation of the soothsayers, both those who were in 



A.U.C:. erant quosque ad earn rem consultandam ex Etruria 

220-244 . 

7 acciverant. Augebatur ad impensas regis animus. 
Itaque Pometinae l manubiae, quae perducendo ad 
culmen operi destinatae erant, vix in fundamenta 

8 suppeditavere. Eo magis Fabio, praeterquam quod 
antiquior est, crediderim quadraginta ea sola talenta 

9 fuisse, quam Pisoni, qui quadraginta niilia pondo 
argenti seposita in earn rem scribit, summam 2 pecu- 
niae neque ex unius turn urbis praeda sperandam et 
iiullius ne horum quidem 3 operum fundamenta non 

LVI. Intentus perficiendo templo fabris undique 
ex Etruria accitis non pecunia solum ad id publica 
est usus, sed operis etiam ex plebe. Qui cum 
haud parvus et ipse militiae adderetur labor, minus 
tamen plebs gravabatur se templa deum exaedi- 

2 ficare manibus suis quam 4 postquam et ad alia ut 
specie minora, sic laboris aliquanto maioris tradu- 
cebantur opera, foros in circo faciendos cloacamque 
maximam, receptaculum omnium purgamentorum 
urbis, sub terra agendam ; quibus duobus operibus 
vix nova haec magnificentia quicquam adaequare 

3 potuit. His laboribus exercita plebe, quia et urbi 
multitndinem, ubi usus non esset, oneri rebatur esse, 
et colonis mittendis occupari latius imperii fines vole- 

1 Pometinae D z Sabellicus (cf. liii. 2): Pomptinae (or Promp- 
tinae or Pontinae) n. 

2 summam Glareanus : quia summam n : quippe summarn 

3 After quidem n have magnificentiae (-a M), ivhich Frigell 
expelled as a gloss from Ivi. 2. 

4 quam Bekker : quae (quern : que D) fl. 

BOOK I. LV. 6-Lvr. 3 

the City and those who were called in from Etruria B.C. 
to consider the matter. This made the king all the 
more ready to spend money on the work. Hence 
the Pometian spoils, which had been destined to 
carry the building up to the roof, barely sufficed for 
the foundations. This disposes me to believe the 
statement of Fabius (who is, besides, the earlier 
writer) that the spoils were only forty talents, rather 
than Piso's, who writes that forty thousand pounds 
of silver were put aside for this work. So great a 
sum of money could not be expected from the booty 
of a single city of that time, and there is no building, 
even among those of our own day, for the founda- 
tions of which it would not be more than enough. 

LVI. Being intent upon completing the temple, the 
king called in workmen from every quarter of Etruria, 
and used for this purpose not only the state funds 
but labourers drawn from the commons. This work 
was far from light in itself, and was added to their 
military service. Yet the plebeians felt less abused 
at having to build with their own hands the temples 
of the gods, than they did when they came to be 
transferred to other tasks also^ which, while less in 
show, were yet rather more laborious. I mean the 
erection of seats in the circus, and the construction 
underground of the Great Sewer, as a receptacle for 
all the offscourings of the City, two works for which 
the new splendour of these days has scarcely been 
able to produce a match. After making the plebeians 
toil at these hard tasks, the king felt that a populace 
which had now no work to do was only a burden 
to the City ; he wished, moreover, by sending out 
settlers, to extend the frontiers of his dominions. 



x.a.c. bat. Signiam Circeiosque colonos misit, praesidia 

220-244 . . f 

urbi lutura terra manque. 

4 Haec agenti portentum terribile visum : anguis ex 
columna lignea elapsus cum terrorem fugamque in 
regia l fecisset, ipsius regis non tarn subito pavore 

5 perculit pectus, quam anxiis implevit curis. Itaque 
cum ad publica prodigia Etrusci tantum vates adhi- 
berentur, hoc velut domestico exterritus visu Del- 
phos ad maxime inclitum in terris oraculum mittere 

6 statuit ; neque responsa sortium ulli alii committere 
ausus duos filios per ignotas ea tempestate terras, 

7 ignotiora maria in Graeciam misit. Titus et Arruns 
profecti. Comes iis additus L. lunius Brutus Tar- 
quinia sorore regis natus, iuvenis longe alius ingenii, 2 
quam cuius simulationem induerat. Is cum primores 
civitatis, in quibus fratrem suum, ab avunculo inter- 
fectum audisset, neque in animo suo quicquam regi 
timendum neque in fortuna concupiscendum relin- 
quere statuit, contemptuque tutus esse ubi in iure 

8 parum praesidii esset. Ergo ex industria factus ad 
imitationem stultitiae, cum se suaque praedae esse 
regi sineret, Bruti quoque baud abnuit cognomen, ut 
sub eius obtentu cognominis liberator ille populi 

9 Romani animus latens opperiretur tempera sua. Is 
turn 3 ab Tarquiniis ductus Delphos, ludibrium verius 
quam comes, aureum baculum inclusum corneo cavato 

1 regia Bauer D ? : regiam H. 

3 ingenii Madvig : ingenio n. 8 turn D$- : cum fl. 

1 Literally "Dullard." 

BOOK 1. LVI. 3-9 

He therefore sent colonists to Sigma and Circei, to B.C. 
safeguard the City by land and sea. 

While he was thus occupied, a terrible portent 
appeared. A snake glided out of a wooden pillar, 
causing fright and commotion in the palace. As for 
the king himself, his heart was not so much struck 
with sudden terror as filled with anxious forebodings. 
Now for public prodigies none but Etruscan sooth- 
sayers were wont to be employed, but this domestic 
apparition, as he regarded it, so thoroughly alarmed 
him that he determined to send to Delphi, the most 
famous oracle in the world ; and, not daring to trust 
the oracle's reply to anybody else, he sent two of his 
sons, through strange lands, as they were then, and 
over stranger seas, to Greece. Titus and Arruns were 
the ones who went ; and, to bear them company, 
Lucius Junius Brutus was sent too, the son of 
Tarquinia, sister of the king, a young man of a very 
different mind from that which he pretended to bear. 
Having heard that the leading men of the state, and 
among them his own brother, had been put to death 
by his uncle, he determined to leave nothing in his 
disposition which the king might justly fear, nor 
anything in his fortune to covet, resolving to find 
safety in contempt, where justice afforded no 
protection. He therefore deliberately assumed the 
appearance of stupidity, and permitted himself and 
his property to become the spoil of the king; he 
even accepted the surname Brutus, 1 that behind the 
screen afforded by this title the great soul which was 
to free the Roman People might bide its time unseen. 
He it was who was then taken by the Tarquinii to 
Delphi, more as a butt than as a comrade ; and he is 
said to have carried a golden staff inclosed within one 



A.U.C. ad id baculo tulisse donum Apollini dicitur, per am- 


10 bages effigiem ingenii sui. Quo postquam ventum 
est, perfectis patris mandatis cupido incessit animos 
iuvenum sciscitandi, ad quern eorum regnum Ro- 
manum esset venturum. Ex infimo specu vocem 
redditam ferunt, " Imperium summum Romae habe- 
bit, qui vestrum primus, o iuvenes, osculum matri 

11 tulerit." Tarquinii, ut 1 Sextus, qui Romae relictus 
fuerat, ignarus responsi expersque imperii esset, rem 
summa ope taceri iubent ; ipsi inter se uter prior, 
cum Romam redisset, matri osculum daret, sorti per- 

12 mittunt. Brutus alio ratus spectare Pythicam vocem 
velut si prolapsus cecidisset terrain osculo contigit, 
scilicet quod ea communis mater omnium mortalium 

13 esset. Reditum inde Romam, ubi adversus Rutulos 
bellum summa vi parabatur. 

LVII. Ardeam Rutuli habebant, gens ut in ea 
regione atque in ea aetate divitiis praepollens. Ea- 
que ipsa causa belli fuit, quod rex Romanus cum ipse 
ditari, exhaustus magnificentia publicorum operum, 

2 turn praeda delenire popularium animos studebat, 
praeter aliam superbiam regno infestos etiam quod 
se in fabrorum ministeriis ac servili tarn diu habitos 

3 opere ab rege indigiiabantur. Temptata res est si 
primo impetu capi Ardea posset. Ubi id parum pro- 

1 Tarquinii, ut j- : Tarquinius n : Tarquinius SEX 0. 

BOOK I. LVI. 9-Lvn. 3 


of cornel wood, hollowed out to receive it, as a gift 
to Apollo, and a roundabout indication of his own 534 ~ 610 
character. When they came there, and had carried 
out their father's instructions, a desire sprang up in 
the hearts of the youths to find out which one of 
them should be king at Rome. From the depths of 
the cavern this answer, they say, was returned : " The 
highest power at Rome shall be his, young men, who 
shall be first among you to kiss his mother." The 
Tarquinii, anxious that Sextus, who had been left in 
Rome, might know nothing of the answer and have 
no share in the rule, gave orders that the incident 
should be kept strictly secret ; as between themselves, 
they decided by lot which should be first, upon their 
return to Rome, to give their mother a kiss. Brutus 
thought the Pythian utterance had another meaning ; 
pretending to stumble, he fell and touched his lips to 
Earth, evidently regarding her as the common mother 
of all mortals. They then returned to Rome, where 
preparations for war with the Rutuli were being 
pushed with the greatest vigour. 

LVII. Ardea belonged to the Rutuli, who were a 
nation of commanding wealth, for that place and 
period. This very fact was the cause of the war, since 
the Roman king was eager not only to enrich him- 
self, impoverished as he was by the splendour of his 
public works, but also to appease with booty the feel- 
ing of the common people ; who, besides the enmity 
they bore the monarch for other acts of pride, were 
especially resentful that the king should have kept 
them employed so long as artisans and doing the work 
of slaves. An attempt was made to capture Ardea by 
assault. Having failed in this, the Romans invested 



A.U.C. cessit, obsidione munitionibusque coepti premi hostes. 


4 In his stativis, ut fit longo magis quam acri bello, 
satis liberi commeatus erant, primoribus tamen magis 

5 quam militibus ; regii quidem iuvenes interdum 
otium conviviis comisationibusque inter se terebant. 

6 Forte potantibus his apud Sex. Tarquinium, ubi et 
Collatinus cenabat Tarquinius Egerii filius, incidit de 
uxoribus mentio ; suam quisque laudare miris modis. 

7 Inde certamine accenso Collatinus negat verbis opus 
esse, paucis id quidem horis posse sciri, quantum 
ceteris praestet Lucretia sua. " Quin, si vigor iuven- 
tae iiiest, conscendimus equos invisimusque prae- 
sentes nostrarum ingenia ? Id cuique spectatissimum 
sit quod necopinato l viri adventu occurrerit oculis." 

8 Incaluerant vino; "Age sane!' omnes ; citatis 
equis avolant Romam. Quo cum primis se inten- 

9 dentibus tenebris pervenissent, pergunt inde Colla- 
tiam, ubi Lucretiam haudquaquam ut regias nurus, 
quas in convivio luxuque cum aequalibus viderant 
tempus terentes, sed nocte sera deditam lanae inter 
lucubrantes ancillas in medio aedium sedentem in- 
veniunt. Muliebris certaminis laus penes Lucretiam 

10 fuit. Adveniens vir Tarquiniique excepti benigne ; 
victor maritus comiter invitat regies iuvenes. Ibi 

1 necopinato TvV : necinopinato (nee inopinato P) fl : in 
necopinato JJeerwagen. 

1 A similar scene is imagined by Tibullus, I. iii. 83 ff. 
(p. 211 of the volume in this series). 


BOOK I. LVII. 3-10 

the place with intrenchments, and began to beleaguer B.C. 
the enemy. Here in their permanent camp, as is 
usual with a war not sharp but long drawn out, furlough 
was rather freely granted, more freely however to 
the leaders than to the soldiers ; the young princes 
for their part passed their idle hours together at 
dinners and drinking bouts. It chanced, as they 
were drinking in the quarters of Sextus Tarquinius, 
where Tarquinius Collatinus, son of Egerius, was also 
a guest, that the subject of wives came up. Every 
man fell to praising his own wife with enthusiasm, 
and, as their rivalry grew hot, Collatinus said that 
there was no need to talk about it, for it was in their 
power to know, in a few hours' time, how far the rest 
were excelled by his own Lucretia. " Come ! If the 
vigour of youth is in us let us mount our horses and 
see for ourselves the disposition of our wives. Let 
every man regard as the surest test what meets his 
eyes when the woman's husband enters unexpected." 
They were heated with wine. " Agreed ! " they all 
cried, and clapping spurs to their horses were off for 
Rome. Arriving there at early dusk, they thence 
proceeded to Collatia, where Lucretia was discovered 
very differently employed from the daughters-in-law 
of the king. These they had seen at a luxurious 
banquet, whiling away the time with their young 
friends ; but Lucretia, though it was late at night, 
was busily engaged upon her wool, while her maidens 
toiled about her in the lamplight as she sat in the 
hall of her house. 1 The prize of this contest in 
womanly virtues fell to Lucretia. As Collatinus and 
the Tarquinii approached, they were graciously 
received, and the victorious husband courteously 
invited the young princes to his table. It was there 



Sex. Tarquinium mala libido Lucretiae per vim stu- 
prandae capit ; cum forma turn spectata castitas 
11 incitat. Et turn quidem ab nocturno iuvenali ludo 
in castra redeunt. 

LVIII. Faucis interiectis diebus Sex. Tarquinius 
inscio Collatino cum comite uno Collatiam venit 

2 Ubi exceptus benigne ab ignaris consilii cum post 
cenam in hospitale cubiculum deductus esset, amore 
ardens, postquam satis tuta circa sopitique omnes 
videbantur, stricto gladio ad dormientem Lucretiam 
venit sinistraque manu mulieris pectore oppresso 
"Tace, Lucretia," inquit ; "Sex. Tarquinius sum; 
ferrum in manu est ; moriere, si emiseris vocem." 

3 Cum pavida ex somno mulier nullam opem, prope 
mortem imminentem videret, turn Tarquinius fateri 
amorem, orare, miscere precibus minas, versare in 

4 omnes partes muliebrem animum. Ubi obstinatam 
videbat et ne mortis quidem metu inclinari, addit ad 
metum dedecus : cum mortua iugulatum servum 
nudum positurum ait, ut in sordido adulterio necata 

5 dicatur. Quo terrore cum vicisset obstinatam pudi- 
citiam velut vi victrix l libido, profectusque inde 
Tarquinius ferox expugnato decore muliebri esset, 
Lucretia maesta tanto malo nuntium Romam eundem 
ad patrem Ardeamque ad virum mittit, ut cum sin- 

1 velut vi victrix M. Mueller: uelut uictrix n. 

that SextusTarquinius was seized with a wicked desire B.C. 

e q < c T f\ 

to debauch Lucretia by force ; not only her beauty, 
but her proved chastity as well, provoked him. 
However, for the present they ended the boyish 
prank of the night and returned to the camp. 

LVIII. When a few days had gone by, Sextus 
Tarquinius, without letting Collatinus know, took a 
single attendant and went to Collatia. Being kindly 
welcomed, for no one suspected his purpose, he was 
brought after dinner to a guest-chamber. Burning 
with passion, he waited till it seemed to him that all 
about him was secure and everybody fast asleep ; 
then, drawing his sword, he came to the sleeping 
Lucretia. Holding the woman down with his left 
hand on her breast, he said, " Be still, Lucretia ! I 
am Sextus Tarquinius. My sword is in my hand. 
Utter a sound, and you die ! " In affright the woman 
started out of her sleep. No help was in sight, but 
only imminent death. Then Tarquinius began to 
declare his love, to plead, to mingle threats with 
prayers, to bring every resource to bear upon her 
woman's heart. When he found her obdurate and 
not to be moved even by fear of death, he went 
farther and threatened her with disgrace, saying that 
when she was dead he would kill his slave and lay 
him naked by her side, that she might be said to 
have been put to death in adultery with a man of 
base condition. At this dreadful prospect her resolute 
modesty was overcome, as if with force, by his vic- 
torious lust ; and Tarquinius departed, exulting in his 
conquest of a woman's honour. Lucretia, grieving 
at her great disaster, dispatched the same message to 
her father in Rome and to her husband at Ardea : 



A.U.C. gulis fidelibus amicis veniant ; ita facto maturatoque 


6 opus esse ; rem atrocem incidisse. Sp. Lucretius 
cum P. Valerio Volesi filio, Collatinus cum L. lunio 
Bruto venit, cum quo forte Romam rediens ab nuntio 
uxoris erat conventus. Lucretiam sedentem maes- 

7 tarn in cubiculo inveniunt. Adventu suorum lacri- 
mae obortae, quaerentique viro ' Satin salve ? " l 

' Minime," inquit ; ' quid enim salvi est mulieri 
amissa pudicitia ? Vestigia viri alieni, Collatine, in 
lecto sunt tuo ; ceterum corpus est tantum violatum, 
animus insons ; mors testis erit. Sed date dexteras 

8 fidemque baud inpune adultero fore. Sex. est Tar- 
quinius, qui bostis pro hospite priore nocte vi arma- 
tus mihi sibique, si vos viri estis, pestiferum hinc 

9 abstulit gaudium." Dant ordine omnes fidem ; con- 
solantur aegram animi avertendo noxam ab coacta in 
auctorem delicti : mentem peccare, non corpus, et 

10 unde consilium afuerit, culpam abesse. "Vos," in- 
quit, " videritis, quid illi debeatur : ego me etsi pec- 
cato absolvo, supplicio non libero ; nee ulla deinde 

11 inpudica Lucretiae exemplo vivet." Cultrum, quern 
sub veste abditum habebat, eum in corde defigit pro- 

12 lapsaque in volnus moribunda cecidit. Conclamat 

vir paterque. 

1 salve Q : saluae R. 


BOOK I. LVIII. 5-12 

that they should each take a trusty friend and come ; B.C. 
that they must do this and do it quickly, for a fright- 534 ~ 510 
ful thing had happened. Spurius Lucretius came 
with Publius Valerius, Volesus' son. Collatinus 
brought Lucius Junius Brutus, with whom he chanced 
to be returning to Rome when he was met by the 
messenger from his wife. Lucretia they found sitting 
sadly in her chamber. The entrance of her friends 
brought the tears to her eyes, and to her husband's 
question, " Is all well ? " she replied, " Far from it ; 
for what can be well with a woman when she has lost 
her honour ? The print of a strange man, Collatinus, 
is in your bed. Yet my body only has been violated ; 
my heart is guiltless, as death shall be my witness. 
But pledge your right hands and your words that the 
adulterer shall not go unpunished. Sextus Tar- 
quinius is he that last night returned hostility for 
hospitality, and armed with force brought ruin on me, 
and on himself no less if you are men when he 
worked his pleasure with me." They give their 
pledges, every man in turn. They seek to comfort her, 
sick at heart as she is, by diverting the blame from her 
who was forced to the doer of the wrong. They tell 
her it is the mind that sins, not the body ; and that 
where purpose has been wanting there is no guilt. " It 
is for you to determine," she answers, " what is due to 
him ; for my own part, though I acquit myself of the 
sin, I do not absolve myself from punishment ; not in 
time to come shall ever unchaste woman live through 
the example of Lucretia." Taking a knife which she 
had concealed beneath her dress, she plunged it into 
her heart, and sinking forward upon the wound, died 
as she fell. The wail for the dead was raised by her 
husband and her father. 


A.U.C. LIX. Brutus illis luctu occupatis cultrum ex vol- 

220-244 T 

nere .Lucretiae extractum manantem l cruore prae 
se tenens, "Per hunc/' inquit, " castissimum ante 
regiam iniuriam sanguinem iuro, vosque, di, testes 
facio, me L. Tarquinium Superbum cum scelerata 
coniuge et omni liberorum stirpe ferro, igni, qua- 
cumque denique 2 vi possim, exsecuturum nee illos 
nee alium quemquam regnare Romae passurum." 

2 Cultrum deinde Collatino tradit, inde Lucretio ac 
Valerio, stupentibus miraculo rei, unde novum in 
Bruti pectore ingenium. Ut praeceptum erat iurant; 
totique ab luctu versi in iram, Brutum iam inde ad 
expugnandum regnum vocantem sequuntur ducem. 

3 Elatum domo Lucretiae corpus in forum deferunt 
concicntque miraculo, ut fit, rei novae atque indigni- 

4 tate homines. Pro se quisque scelus regium ac vim 
queruntur. Movet cum patris 3 maestitia, turn Brutus 
castigator lacrimarum atque inertium querellarum 
auctorque quod viros, quod Romanes deceret, arma 

5 capiendi adversus hostilia ausos. Ferocissimus quis- 
que iuvenum cum armis voluntarius adest ; sequitur 
et cetera iuventus. Inde patre praeside relicto Col- 
latiae 4 custodibusque datis, ne quis eum motum 
regibus nuntiaret, ceteri armati duce Bruto Romam 

6 profecti. Ubi eo ventum est, quacumque incedit 

1 manantem 0- : manante n. 

2 denique Madriy : dehinc (die hinc 0) n. 

3 patris R z $- : patrea (patre ft) n. 

4 patre praeside relicto Collatiae [ad portas] Walters : 
pat ri paris (or pari or pars or paris) praesidio relicto Collatiae 
ad portas ft. 


BOOK I. LIX. 1-6 

LIX. Brutus, while the others were absorbed in B.C. 
grief, drew out the knife from Lucretia's wound, and 534 ~ 610 
holding it up, dripping with gore, exclaimed, "By this 
blood, most chaste until a prince wronged it, I swear, 
and I take you, gods, to witness, that I will pursue 
Lucius Tarquinius Superbus and his wicked wife and 
all his children, with sword, with fire, aye with 
whatsoever violence I may ; and that I will suffer 
neither them nor any other to be king in Rome ! " 
The knife he then passed to Collatinus, and from him 
to Lucretius and Valerius. They were dumbfounded 
at this miracle. Whence came this new spirit in the 
breast of Brutus ? As he bade them, so they swore. 
Grief was swallowed up in anger ; and when Brutus 
summoned them to make war from that very moment 
on the power of the kings, they followed his lead. 
They carried out Lucretia's corpse from the house 
and bore it to the market-place, where men crowded 
about them, attracted, as they were bound to be, by 
the amazing character of the strange event and its 
heinousness. Every man had his own complaint to 
make of the prince's crime and his violence. They 
were moved, not only by the father's sorrow, but by 
the fact that it was Brutus who chid their tears and 
idle lamentations and urged them to take up the 
sword, as befitted men and Romans, against those 
who had dared to treat them as enemies. The 
boldest of the young men seized their weapons and 
offered themselves for service, and the others followed 
their example. Then, leaving Lucretia's father to 
guard Collatia, and posting sentinels so that no one 
might announce the rising to the royal family, the 
rest, equipped for battle and with Brutus in command, 
set out for Rome. Once there, wherever their armed 



A.D.C. armata multitude pavorem ac tumultum facit ; rur- 


sus ubi anteire pnmores civitatis vident, quidquid 

7 sit baud temere esse rentur. Nee minorem motum 
animorum Romae tarn atrox res facit quam Collatiae 
fecerat. Ergo ex omnibus locis urbis in forum curri- 
tur. Quo simul ventum est, praeco ad tribunum 
celerum, in quo turn magistratu forte Brutus erat, 

8 populum advocavit. Ibi oratio habita nequaquam 
eius pectoris ingeniique quod simulatum ad earn 
diem fuerat, de vi ac libidine Sex. Tarquini, de 
stupro infando Lucretiae et miserabili caede, de 
orbitate Tricipitini, cui morte filiae causa mortis 

9 indignior ac miserabilior esset. Addita superbia 
ipsius regis miseriaeque et labores plebis in fossas 
cloacasque exhauriendas demersae ; Romaiios homi- 
nes, victores omnium circa populorum, opifices ac 

10 lapicidas pro bellatoribus factos. Indigna Ser. Tulli 
regis memorata caedes et invecta corpori patris ne- 
fando vehiculo filia, invocatique ul tores parentum di. 

11 His atrocioribusque, credo, aliis, quae praesens rerum 
indignitas haudquaquam relatu scriptoribus facilia 
subicit, memoratis incensam multitudinem perpulit 
ut imperium regi abrogaret exsulesque esse iuberet 

12 L. Tarquinium cum coniuge ac liberis. Ipse iunio- 

1 For the Celeres, see xv. 8 and note. H. J. Edwards (ad 
loc.) thinks that the office comprised both military and civil 
functions the command of the cavalry (cf. the Magiater 
Equitum in republican times) and the presidency (as deputy 
of the king) of comitia and senate. 


BOOK I. LIX. 6-12 

band advanced it brought terror and confusion ; but B.C. 
again, when people saw that in the van were the chief 
men of the state, they concluded that whatever it 
was it could be no meaningless disturbance. And in 
fact there was no less resentment at Rome when this 
dreadful story was known than there had been at 
Collatia. So from every quarter of the City men 
came running to the Forum. No sooner were they 
there than a crier summoned the people before the 
Tribune of the Celeres, 1 which office Brutus then 
happened to be holding. There he made a speech 
by no means like what might have been expected of 
the mind and the spirit which he had feigned up to 
that day. He spoke of the violence and lust of 
Sextus Tarquinius, of the shameful defilement of 
Lucretia and her deplorable death, of the bereavement 
of Tricipitinus, in whose eyes the death of his daughter 
was not so outrageous and deplorable as was the 
cause of her death. He reminded them, besides, of 
the pride of the king himself and the wretched state 
of the commons, who were plunged into ditches and 
sewers and made to clear them out. The men of 
Rome, he said, the conquerors of all the nations round 
about, had been transformed from warriors into 
artisans and stone-cutters. He spoke of the shame- 
ful murder of King Tullius, and how his daughter had 
driven her accursed chariot over her father's body, 
and he invoked the gods who punish crimes against 
parents. With these and, I fancy, even fiercer 
reproaches, such as occur to a man in the very presence 
of an outrage, but are far from easy for an historian 
to reproduce, he inflamed the people, and brought 
them to abrogate the king's authority and to exile 
Lucius Tarquinius, together with his wife and chil- 
dren. Brutus himself then enrolled the juniors, who 



A.U.C. ribus, qui ultro nomina dabant, lectis armatisque ad 
concitandum inde adversus regem exercitum Ardeam 
in castra est profectus : imperium in urbe Lucretio, 
praefecto urbis iam ante ab rege institute, relinquit. 
13 Inter hunc tumultum Tullia domo profugit exse- 
crantibus, quacumque incedebat, invocantibusque 
parentum furias viris mulieribusque. 

LX. Harum rerum nuntiis in castra perlatis cum 
re nova trepidus rex pergeret Romam ad compri- 
mendos motus, flexit viam Brutus senserat enim 
adventum ne obvius fieret ; eodemque fere tempore 
diversis itineribus Brutus Ardeam, Tarquinius Romam 

2 venerunt. Tarquinio clausae portae exsiliumque in- 
dictum : liberatorem urbis laeta castra accepere, 
exactique inde liberi regis. Duo patrem secuti sunt, 
qui exsulatum Caere in Etruscos ierunt. Sex. Tar- 
quinius Gabios tamquam in suum regnum profectus 
ab ultoribus veterum simultatium, quas sibi ipse cae- 

3 dibus rapinisque concierat, 1 est interfectus. 

L. Tarquinius Superbus regnavit annos quinque 
et viginti. 2 Regnatum Romae ab condita urbe ad 

4 liberatam annos ducentos quadraginta quattuor. 
Duo consules inde comitiis centuriatis a praefecto 
urbis ex commentariis Ser. Tulli creati sunt, L. 
lunius Brutus et L. Tarquinius Collatinus. 

1 concierat M : conciuerat HRDL : concitauerat fl. 

2 quinque et viginti M : V et XL fi. 

1 The " consuls," as they were called from the time of the 
Decemvirate, were originally designated "praetors" ; Livy 
is anachronistic. The " centuriate comitia " was the assembly 
of the people by centuries, as classified by Servius, primarily 
for military ends. It is more likely that Lucretius presided 


BOOK I. LIX. i2-Lx. 4 

voluntarily gave in their names, and arming them B.C. 
set out for the camp at Ardea to arouse the troops 
against the king. The command at Rome he left 
with Lucretius, who had been appointed Prefect of 
the City by the king, some time before. During 
this confusion Tullia fled from her house, cursed 
wherever she went by men and women, who called 
down upon her the furies that avenge the wrongs 
of kindred. 

LX. When the news of these events reached the 
camp, the king, in alarm at the unexpected danger, 
set out for Rome to put down the revolt. Brutus, who 
had perceived the king's approach, made a circuit to 
avoid meeting him, and at almost the same moment, 
though by different roads, Brutus reached Ardea and 
Tarquinius Rome. Against Tarquinius the gates were 
closed and exile was pronounced. The liberator of 
the City was received with rejoicings in the camp, 
and the sons of the king were driven out of it. Two 
of them followed their father, and went into exile at 
Caere, in Etruria. Sextus Tarquinius departed for 
Gabii, as though it had been his own kingdom, and 
there the revengers of old quarrels, which he had 
brought upon himself by murder and rapine, slew him. 

Lucius Tarquinius Superbus ruled for five and 
twenty years. The rule of the kings at Rome, from 
its foundation to its liberation, lasted two hundred 
and forty-four years. Two consuls were then chosen 
in the centuriate comitia, under the presidency of 
the Prefect of the City, in accordance with the com- 
mentaries of Servius Tullius. 1 These were Lucius 
Junius Brutus and Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus. 

over the election in the capacity of interrex (to which office 
Dion. iv. 84 says Lucretius was appointed by Brutus) than in 
that of prefect. 



A. ADVENTUS Aeneae in Italiam et res gestae. Ascani 
regnum Albae et deinceps Silviorum. Numitoris filia a 
Marte compressa nati Romulus et Remus. Amulius 
obtruncatus. Urbs a Roinulo condita. Senatus lectus. 
Cum Sabinis bellatum. Spolia opima Feretrio lovi lata. 
In curias l populus divisus. Fidenates, Veientes victi. 
Romulus consecratus. 

Numa Pompilius ritus sacrorum tradidit. Porta lani 

Tullus Hostilius Albanos diripuit. Trigeminorum 
pugna. Metti Fufeti supplicium. Tullus fulmine con- 

Ancus Marcius Latinos devicit, Ostiam condidit. 

Tarquinius Priscus Latinos superavit, circum fecit, 
finitimos devicit, muros et cloacas fecit. 

Servio Tullio caput arsit. Servius Tullius Veientes 
devicit et populum in classes divisit, aedem Dianae dedi- 

Tarquinius Superbus occiso Tullio regnum invasit. 
Tulliae scelus in patrem. Turnus Herdonius per Tar- 
quinium occisus. Bellum cum Vulscis. Fraude Sex. 
Tarquini Gabi direpti. 2 Capitolium inchoatum. Ter- 
monis 3 et luventae arae moveri non potuerunt. Lucretia 
se occidit. Superbi expulsio. Regnatum est annis CCLV. 

1 curias Sigonius : centurias AfSS. 

2 direpti J\fSS. : (Gabini) recepti Kornemann. 

3 Termonis Pithoeus (cf. Ennius, An. 479/. ; Plut. Numa, 
16 ; Dion. Hal. iii. 69) : cremonae MSS. (over which in C is 
written vel termine). 



A. Arrival of Aeneas in Italy and his deeds. Reign of 
Ascanius, and after him of the Silvii, at Alba. Romulua 
and Remus born to Mars by the daughter of Numitor. 
Amulius killed. The City founded by Romulus. The 
senate chosen. War with the Sabines. Spolia opima 
dedicated to Jupiter Feretrius. The people divided into 
wards. The Fidenates and Veientes conquered. Romu- 
lus deified. 

Numa Pompilius handed on religious rites. The door 
of Janus's temple closed. 

Tullus Hostilius ravaged the country of the Albans. 
Battle of the triplets. Punishment of Mettius Fufetius. 
Tullus slain by a thunderbolt. 

Ancus Martiua conquered the Latins ; founded Ostia. 

Tarquinius Priscus defeated the Latins ; made a circus; 
conquered the neighbouring peoples ; built walls and 

The head of Servius Tullius gave forth flames. Servius 
Tullius conquered the Veientes and divided the people 
into classes ; dedicated a temple to Diana. 

Tarquinius Superbus slew Tullius and seized the king- 
ship. Tullia's crime against her father. Turnus Herdo- 
nius killed by the machinations of Tarquinius. War with 
the Volsci. Gabii sacked, 1 in consequence of the fraud 
of Sextua Tarquinius. The Capitol commenced. The 
altars of Termo and Juventa could not be moved. 2 Lu- 
cretia slew herself. Expulsion of Superbus. The kings 
reigned 255 years. 3 

1 According to Livy (liv. 10), Gabii was not sacked, but 
passed peacefully into the hands of Tarquinius. See critical 

2 In Livy (Iv. 3) Juventa is not mentioned, and Termo 
appears in the form Terminus. 

* Livy (Ix. 3) says 244 years. 



.5. Latin's victis montem Aventinum adsignavit, fines 
protulit, llosliam coloniam deduxit, caerimonias a Numa 
institutas renovavit. 

Hie temptandae scientiae Atti Navi auguris causa fertur 
consuluisse eum, an id de quo cogitaret effici posset ; 
quod cum ille fieri posse dixisset, iussisse eum novacula 
cotem praecidere, idque ab Atto protinus factum. 

Regnavit annis xxiin. Eo regiiante Lucumo, Dema- 
rati Corinthi filius, a Tarquinis, Etrusca civitate, Romam 
venit et in amicitiam Anci receptus Tarquini Prisci nomen 
ferre coepit et post mortem Anci regnum excepit. Cen- 
tum in patres allegit, Latinos subegit, ludos in circo 
edidit, equitum centurias ampliavit, urbem muro circum- 
dedit, cloacas fecit. 1 Occisus est ab Anci filiis, cum reg- 
nasset annis xxxvm. 

Successit ei Servius Tullius, natus ex captiva nobili 
Corniculana, cui puero athuc in cunis posito caput arsisse 
traditum erat. Is censum primum egit, lustrum coudidit, 
quo censa LXXX milia esse dicuntur, pomerium protulit, 
colles urbi adiecit Quirinalem, Viminalem, Aesquilinum, 
templum Dianae cum Latinis in Aventino fecit. Inter- 
fectus est a Lucio Tarquinio, Prisci filio, consilio filiae 
uae Tulliae, cum regnasset annis XLIIII. 

Post hunc L. Tarquinius Superbus neque patrum neque 
populi iussu regnum invasit. Is armatos circa se in cus- 
todiam sui habuit. Bellum cum Vulscis gessit et ex 
spoliis eorum templum in Capitolio lovi fecit. Gabios 
dolo in potestatem suam 2 redegit. Huius filiis Delphos 
profectis et consulentibus quis eorum Romae regnaturus 

1 Rossbach brackets this paragraph from Regnavit to fecit. 

2 potestatem suam ed<L: potestate sua AISS. 



B. Having beaten the Latins, 1 he assigned them the 
Aventine Hill; planted a colony at Ostia; extended the 
boundaries and revived the ceremonies established by 

It was he who is said to have asked the augur, Attu.s 
Navius, to test his skill, whether the thing he was think- 
ing of could be accomplished and, when Attus replied 
that it could, to have bid him cut a whetstone in two with 
a razor, Attus is said forthwith to have done. 

He reigned 24 years. In his reign Lucumo, son of the 
Corinthian Demaratus, came from Tarquinii, an Etruscan 
city, to Rome, and being received into the friendship of 
Ancus began to bear the name of Tarquinius Priscus, and 
after the death of Ancus succeeded to the kingship. He 
added a hundred members to the senate ; subjugated the 
Latins ; gave games in the circus ; increased the cen- 
turies of knights ; surrounded the city with a wall ; made 
sewers. He was killed by the sons of Ancus after ruling 
38 years. 

His successor was Scrvius Tullius, son of a noble- 
woman, a captive from Corniculum. It is related that 
when he was still a babe, lying in the cradle, his head 
burst into flames. He conducted the first census and 
closed the lustrum, and it is said that 80,000 were 
assessed. He enlarged the pomerium ; added to the city 
the Quirinal, Vimiual, and Esquiline Hills ; and with 
the Latins erected a temple to Diana on the Aventine. 
He was killed by Lucius Tarquinius, son of Priscus, on 
fche advice of his own daughter Tullia, after reigning 
44 years. 

After him Lucius Tarquinius Superbus seized the king- 
dom, without the authorization of either Fathers or 
People. He kept armed men about him to protect him. 
He waged war with the Volsci, and out of their spoils 
built a temple to Jupiter on the Capitol. He brought 
Gabii under his sway by guile. When his sons had gone 
to Delphi and were consulting the oracle as to which of 

1 i.e. Ancus. 



esset, dictum est eum regnaturum qui primum matrem 
osculatus esset. Quod responsum cum ipsi aliter inter - 
pretarentur, lunius Brutus, qui cum his profectus erat, 
prolapsum se sinmlavit et terrain osculatus est ; idque 
factum eius eventus conprobavit. Nam cum inpotenter 
se gerendo Tarquinius Superbus omnes in odium sui 
adduxisset, ad ultimum propter expugnatam nocturna vi 
a Sexto filio eius Lucretiae pudicitiam, quae ad se vocato 
patre Tricipitino et viro Collatino obtestata ne inulta 
mors eius esset cultro Be interfecit, Bruti opera maxime 
expulsus est, cum regnasset annos xxv. Turn consules 
primi creati sunt L. lunius Brutus L. Tarquinius Colla- 



them should be king in Rome, answer was made that he 
should reign who should first kiss his mother. This 
response the princes themselves explained otherwise, but 
Junius Brutus, who had accompanied them, pretended to 
fall upon his face, and kissed the earth. And the out- 
come sanctioned his act. For when Tarquinius Superbus 
had brought all men to hate him by the violence of his 
behaviour, and finally Lucretia, whose chastity had been 
violated at night by the king's son Sextus, summoned her 
father Tricipitinus and her husband Collatinus and, ad- 
juring them not to leave her death unavenged, killed 
herself with a knife, Tarquinius was expelled, chiefly 
through the efforts of Brutus, after a reign of 25 years. 
Then the first consuls were chosen, Lucius Junius Brutus 
and Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus. 




i.r.c. I. LIBEHI iam hinc populi Roman! res pace bello- 


que gestas, annuos magistratus, imperiaque legum 

2 potentiora quam homirium peragam. Quae libertas 
lit laetior esset proxumi regis superbia fecerat. Nam 
priores ita regnarunt ut baud immerito omnes dein- 
ceps conditores partium certe urbis, quas novas ipsi 
sedes ab se auctae multitudinis addiderunt, nume- 

3 rentur. Neque ambigitur quin Brutus idem qui 
tantum gloriae Superbo exacto rege meruit pessimo 
publico id facturus fuerit, si libertatis immaturae 
cupidine priorum regum alicui regnum extorsisset. 

4 Quid enim futurum fuit, si ilia pastorum convena- 
rumque plebs, transfuga ex suis populis, sub tutela 
inviolati templi aut libertatem aut certe impunitatem 
adepta, soluta regio metu, agitari coepta esset tri- 
buniciis procellis et in aliena urbe cum patribus 

6 serere certamina, priusquam pignera coniugum ac 
liberorum caritasque ipsius soli, cui longo tempore 

6 adsuescitur, animos eorum consociasset ? Dissipatae 
res nondum adultae discordia forent, quas fovit tran- 
quilla moderatio imperil, eoque nutriendo perduxit 

1 This statement is too sweeping, for Livy nowhere attri- 
butes any enlargement of the City to Numa. 



I. THE new liberty enjoyed by the Roman people, B.C. 509 
their achievements in peace and war, annual magis- 
tracies, and laws superior in authority to men will 
henceforth be my theme. This liberty was the more 
grateful as the last king had been so great a tyrant. 
For his predecessors so ruled that there is good reason 
to regard them all as successive founders of parts, 
at least, of the City, which they added to serve as 
new homes for the numbers they had themselves re- 
cruited. 1 Nor is there any doubt that the same 
Brutus who earned such honour by expelling the 
haughty Tarquinius, would have acted in an evil 
hour for the commonwealth had a premature eager- 
ness for liberty led him to wrest the power from any 
of the earlier kings. For what would have happened 
if that rabble of shepherds and vagrants, having de- 
serted their own peoples, and under the protection 
of inviolable sanctuary having possessed themselves 
of liberty, or at least impunity, had thrown off their 
fear of kings only to be stirred by the ruffling storms 
of tribunician demagogues, breeding quarrels with 
the senators of a city not their own, before ever the 
pledges of wife and children and love of the very 
place and soil (an affection of slow growth) had 
firmly united their aspirations ? The nation would 
have crumbled away with dissension before it had 
matured. But it was favoured by the mild restraint 
of the government, which nursed it up to the point 



A.U.C. ut bonam frugem libertatis maturis iam viribus ferre 

7 possent. Libertatis autem originem inde magis quia 
annuum imperium consulare factum est quam quod 
deminutum quicquam sit ex regia potestate, numeres. 

8 Omnia iura, omnia insignia primi consules tenuere ; 
id modo cautum est ne, si ambo fasces haberent, 
duplicatus terror videretur. Brutus prior concedente 
collega fasces habuit ; qui non acrior vindex libertatis 

9 fuerat quam deinde custos fuit. Omnium primum 
avidum novae libertatis populum, ne postmodum 
flecti precibus aut donis regiis posset, iure iurando 

10 adegit neminem Romae passuros regnare. Deinde, 
quo plus virium in senatu frequentia etiam ordinis 
faceret, caedibus regis deminutum patrum numerum 
primoribus equestris gradus lectis ad trecentorum 

1 1 summam explevit ; traditumque inde fertur ut in 
senatum vocarentur qui patres quique conscripti 
essent : conscriptos, videlicet novum senatum, ap- 
pellabant lectos. Id mirum quantum profuit ad 
concordiam civitatis iungendosque patribus plebis 

II. Rerum deinde divinarum habita cura ; et quia 
quaedam publica sacra per ipsos reges factitata erant, 

1 Later any senator might be called pater conscriptus, and 
it is possible that Livy and Festus (p. 254 M) were misled in 
supposing that originally the patres were one class of sena- 
tors and the conscripti another. See Con way's note. 

2 Livy appears to have assumed that the new senators 
were plebeians, but this is almost certainly wrong. The first 


BOOK II. i. 6-n. i 

where its ripened powers enabled it to bear good B.C. 509 
fruit of liberty. Moreover you may reckon the be- 
ginning of liberty as proceeding rather from the 
limitation of the consuls' authority to a year than 
from any diminution of their power compared with 
that which the kings had exercised. All the rights 
of the kings and all their insignia were possessed 
by the earliest consuls ; only one thing was guarded 
against that the terror they inspired should not be 
doubled by permitting both to have the rods. Brutus 
was the first to have them, with his colleague's con- 
sent, and he proved as determined in guarding liberty 
as he had been in asserting it. To begin with, when 
the people were still jealous of their new freedom, 
he obliged them to swear an oath that they would 
suffer no man to be king in Rome, lest they might 
later be turned from their purpose by the entreaties 
or the gifts of princes. In the next place, that the 
strength of the senate might receive an added aug- 
mentation from the numbers of that order, he filled 
up the list of the Fathers, which had been abridged 
by the late king's butcheries, drawing upon the fore- 
most men of equestrian rank until he had brought 
the total up to three hundred. From that time, it is 
said, was handed down the custom of summoning 
to the senate the Fathers and the Enrolled, the 
latter being the designation of the new senators, 
who were appointed. 1 This measure was wonderfully 
effective in promoting harmony in the state and at- 
taching the plebs to the Fathers. 2 

II. Matters of worship then received attention. 
Certain public sacrifices had habitually been per- 
formed by the kings in person, and that their 

definite notice of a plebeian senator occurs at v. xii. 11 
(400 B.C.). 


VOL. I. 


A.U.C. necubi regum desiderium esset, regem sacrificolum 

2 creant. Id sacerdotium pontifici subiecere, ne addi- 
tus nomini honos aliquid libertati, cuius tune prima 
erat cura, officeret. Ac nescio an niniis undique earn 
minimisque rebus muniendo modum excesserint. 

3 Consulis enim alterius, cum nihil aliud offenderet, 1 
nomen invisum civitati fuit : minium Tarquinios reg- 
no adsuesse ; initium a Frisco factum : regnasse dein 
Ser. Tullium ; ne intervallo quidem facto oblitum, 
tamquam alieni, regni Superbum Tarquinium velut 
hereditatem gentis scelere ac vi repetisse ; pulso 
Superbo penes Collatinum imperium esse ; nescire 

4 Tarquinios privates vivere. Non placere nomen, 
periculosum libertati esse. Hie 2 primo sensim temp- 
tantium aninios sermo per totam civitatem est datus, 
sollicitamque suspicione plebem Brutus ad contionem 

5 vocat. Ibi omnium primum ius iurandum populi 
recitat neminem regnare passuros nee esse Romae 
unde periculum libertati foret. Id summa ope tuen- 
dum esse neque ullam rem quae eo pertineat con- 
temnendam. Invitum se dicere, hominis causa, nee 
dicturum fuisse ni caritas rei publicae vinceret : non 

6 credere populum Romanum solidam libertatem reci- 
peratam esse ; regium genus, regium nomen non 

1 offenderet Bauer : oflfenderit fL 2 hie Gruter : hinc fl. 


BOOK II. ii. 1-6 

absence might nowhere be regretted, a " king of B.C. 500 
sacrifices ' was appointed. This priesthood they made 
subordinate to the pontifex, lest the office, in con- 
junction with the title, might somehow prove an 
obstacle to liberty, which was at that time their 
chief concern. Perhaps the pains they took to safe- 
guard it, even in trivial details, may have been 
excessive. For the name of one of the consuls, 
though he gave no other offence, was hateful to the 
citizens. " The Tarquinii had become too used to 
sovereignty. It had begun with Priscus ; Servius 
Tullius had then been king ; but not even this in- 
terruption had caused Tarquinius Superbus to forget 
the throne or regard it as another's ; as though it 
had been the heritage of his family, he had used 
crime and violence to get it back ; Superbus was 
now expelled, but the supreme power was in the 
hands of Collatinus. The Tarquinii knew not how 
to live as private citizens. Their name was irksome 
and a menace to liberty." Beginning in this way, 
with a cautious sounding of sentiment, the talk 
spread through the entire nation, and the plebs had 
become anxious and suspicious, when Brutus sum- 
moned them to an assembly. There he first of all 
recited the oath which the people had taken, that 
they would suffer no king in Rome, nor any man 
who might be dangerous to liberty. This oath they 
must uphold, he said, with all their might, nor 
make light of anything which bore upon it. He 
spoke with reluctance, on the man's account, nor 
would he have broken silence unless he had been 
forced to do so by his love of country. The Roman 
people did not believe that they had recovered ab- 
solute freedom. The royal family, the royal name 



A.U.C. solum in civitate sed etiam in imperio esse ; id otfi- 


7 cere, id obstare libertati. " Hunc tu," inquit, " tua 
voluntate, L. Tarquini, remove metum. Memini- 
mus, fatemur, eiecisti reges ; absolve beneficium 
tuum, aufer hinc regium nomen. Res tuas tibi non 
solum reddent cives tui auctore me, sed, si quid 
deest, munifice augebunt. Amicus abi ; exonera 
civitatem vano forsitan metu ; ita persuasum est 
animis, cum gente Tarquinia regnum hinc abitu- 

8 rum." Consuli primo tarn novae rei ac subitae 
admiratio incluserat vocem ; dicere deinde incipien- 
tem primores civitatis circumsistunt, eadem multis 

9 precibus orant. Et ceteri quidem movebant minus : 
postquam Sp. Lucretius, maior aetate ac dignitate, 
socer praeterea ipsius, agere varie rogando alternis 

10 suadendoque coepit, ut vinci se consensu civitatis 
pateretur, timens consul ne postmodum private sibi 
eadem ilia cum bonorum amissione additaque alia 
insuper ignominia acciderent, abdicavit se consulatu 
rebusque suis omnibus Lavinium translatis civitate 

11 cessit. Brutus ex senatus consulto ad populum 
tulit ut omnes Tarquiniae gentis exsules essent. 
Collegam sibi comitiis centuriatis creavit P. Vale- 
rium, quo adiutore reges eiecerat. 


BOOK II. ii. 6-1 1 

were not only present in the state, but were actu- B.C. 509 
ally in authority, an obstacle and a stumbling-block 
in the way of liberty. "This fear," he cried, "do 
you yourself remove, Lucius Tarquinius, of your own 
free will ! We are mindful we confess it that you 
drove out the kings ; complete the good work you 
have begun, and rid us of the royal name. Your 
possessions shall not only be granted you by the 
citizens, at my instance, but if they are in any way 
inadequate they shall be generously increased. De- 
part our friend, and relieve the state of what is, 
perhaps, an idle fear. The people are persuaded 
that with the family of Tarquinius the kingship will 
vanish from amongst us." The consul was at first 
prevented from uttering a word by his astonishment 
at this strange and unexpected turn ; then, when he 
tried to speak, the chief men of the state surrounded 
him, and with many entreaties made the same request. 
The others had little influence over him, but when 
Spurius Lucretius, his superior in years and dignity, 
and his father-in-law besides, began to urge him, 
with mingled entreaty and advice, to permit himself 
to yield to the unanimous wish of his fellow-citizens, 
Collatinus became alarmed lest when his year of office 
should have ended, his misfortunes might be increased 
by the confiscation of his property and the addition 
of yet other ignominies. He therefore resigned the 
consulship, and transferring all his possessions to La- 
vinium, withdrew from the Roman state. In pursu- 
ance of a resolution of the senate, Brutus proposed 
to the people a measure which decreed the exile of 
all the Tarquinian race. To be his colleague the cen- 
turiate comitia, under his presidency, elected Publius 
Valerius, who had helped him to expel the kings. 


A.U.C. III. Cum baud cuiquam in dubio esset bellum ab 


Tarquiniis imminere, id quidem spe omnium serins 
fuit ; ceterum, id quod non timebant, per dolum ac 

2 proditionem prope libertas amissa est. Erant in 
Romana iuventute adulescentes aliquot, nee ii tenui 
loco orti, quorum in regno libido solutior fuerat, 
aequales sodalesque adulescentium Tarquiniorum, 

3 adsueti more regio vivere. Earn turn aequato iure 
omnium licentiam quaerentes, libertatem aliorum in 
suam vertisse servitutem inter se conquerebantur : 
regem hominem esse, a quo impetres, ubi ius, ubi 
iniuria opus sit ; esse gratiae locum, esse beneficio, 
et irasci et ignoscere posse, inter amicum atque 

4 inimicum discrimen nosse ; leges rem surdam, inex- 
orabilem esse, salubriorem melioremque inopi quam 
potenti, nihil laxamenti nee veniae habere, si modum 
excesseris ; periculosum esse in tot humanis erroribus 

5 sola innocentia vivere. Ita iam sua sponte aegris 
animis legati ab regibus superveniunt sine mentione 
reditus bona tantum repetentes. Eorum verba post- 
quam in senatu audita sunt, per aliquot dies ea con- 
sultatio tenuit, ne non reddita belli causa, reddita 

6 belli materia et adiumentum essent. Interim legati 

BOOK II. in. 1-6 

III. Although no one doubted that the Tarquinii B.C. 
would presently go to war, their attack was delayed 
beyond all expectation ; while a thing men did not 
fear at all, to wit a treasonable plot, almost cost 
Rome her liberty. There were among the young 
men a number of youths, the sons of families not 
unimportant, whose pleasures had been less confined 
under the monarchy, who, being of the same age as 
the young Tarquinii, and their cronies, had grown 
used to the untrammelled life of princes. This 
licence they missed, now that all enjoyed equal 
rights, and they had got into the way of complain- 
ing to each other that the liberty of the rest had 
resulted in their own enslavement. A king was a 
man, from whom one could obtain a boon, whether 
it were just or unjust; there was room for counte- 
nance and favour ; a king could be angry, could for- 
give, could distinguish between friend and enemy. 
The law was a thing without ears, inexorable, more 
salutary and serviceable to the pauper than to the 
great man ; it knew no relaxation or indulgence, if 
one exceeded bounds ; and, inasmuch as man is so 
prone to blunder, it was dangerous to rely on inno- 
cence alone. Thanks to such reflections, they were 
already infected with disloyalty when envoys from 
the royal family appeared, who without saying any- 
thing about the return of the Tarquinii, sought merely 
to recover their property. The senate, having given 
them a hearing, debated the question for several 
days ; for they feared that if they refused to make 
restitution it would be a pretext for war, if they 
consented it would be to furnish means and assist- 
ance for its prosecution. Meantime the envoys were 



A.V.C. alia 1 moliri, aperte bona repetentes clam reciperandi 


regm consilia struere, et tamquam ad id quod agi 
videbatur ambientes, nobilium adulescentium animos 
7 pertemptant. A quibus placide oratio accepta est, 
iis litteras ab Tarquiniis reddunt et de accipiendis 
clam nocte in urbem regibus conloquuntur. IV. Vi- 
telliis Aquiliisque fratribus primo commissa res est. 
Vitelliorum soror consuli nupta Bruto erat, iamque 
ex eo matrimonio adulescentes erant liberi, Titus 
Tiberiusque ; eos quoque in societatem consilii avun- 

2 culi adsumunt. Praeterea aliquot nobiles adules- 
centes conscii adsumpti, quorum vetustate memoria 

3 abiit. Interim cum in senatu vicisset sententia quae 
censebat reddenda bona, eamque ipsam causam mo- 
rae in urbe haberent legati, quod spatium ad vehi- 
cula comparanda a consulibus sumpsissent quibus 
regum asportarent res, omne id tempus cum coniu- 
ratis consultando absumunt, evincuntque instando ut 

4 litterae sibi ad Tarquinios darentur : nam aliter qui 
credituros eos non vana ab legatis super rebus tantis 
adferri ? Datae litterae, ut pignus fidei essent, mani- 

5 festum facinus fecerunt. Nam cum pridie quam 
legati ad Tarquinios proficiscerentur cenatum 2 forte 
apud Vitellios esset, coniuratique ibi remotis arbitris 
multa inter se de novo, ut fit, consilio egissent, ser- 

1 alia Crtvier : alia alia P : alii alia n. 

2 cenatum j- Duker : et cenatum (or cae-) fl. 

BOOK II. in. 6-iv. 5 

exerting themselves to a different purpose. Ostensibly B c. 509 
seeking to recover the property, they secretly laid 
their plans for winning back the kingdom ; and, as 
if in furtherance of their apparent object, they went 
about sounding the disposition of the youthful nobles. 
To those who gave them a friendly hearing they de- 
livered letters from the Tarquinii, and plotted with 
them to admit the royal family secretly by night into 
the City. IV. The brothers Vitellii and Aquilii were 
the first to be entrusted with the project. A sister 
of the Vitellii had married the consul Brutus, and 
there were sons of this marriage who were now young 
men, Titus and Tiberius ; these were also admitted 
by their uncles to a share in the design. There were 
besides several other young nobles taken into the 
secret, but their names are lost in antiquity. The 
senate meantime had acquiesced in the opinion of 
those who were in favour of giving back the property. 
This very fact gave the agents of the exiles an excuse 
for lingering in the City, for the consuls had granted 
them time for obtaining vehicles with Avhich to 
carry away the belongings of the royal family. All 
this time they spent in consultation with the con- 
spirators, whom they urged and at length persuaded 
to give them letters for the Tarquinii : for otherwise 
how could the princes be convinced that the state- 
ments of their agents regarding matters of such 
importance were to be relied on ? These letters, 
being given as a pledge of sincerity, furnished clear 
proof of the crime, For on the eve of the envoys' 
setting out to rejoin their masters it happened that 
they were dining at the house of the Vitellii, where 
the conspirators, having dismissed all witnesses, had 
much talk together, naturally enough, about their 



A.r.c. monem eorum ex servis unus excepit, qui iam antea 

6 id senserat agi, sed earn occasionem, ut litterae 
legatis darentur quae deprehensae rem coarguere 
possent, exspectabat. Postquam datas seiisit, rem ad 

7 consules detulit. Consules ad deprehendendos lega- 
tes coniuratosque profecti domo sine tumultu rem 
omnem oppressere ; litterarum in primis habita cura 
ne interciderent. Proditoribus extemplo in vincla 
coniectis, de legatis paululum addubitatum est, et 
quamquam visi sunt commisisse ut hostium loco 
essent, ius tamen gentium valuit. V. De bonis 
regiis, 1 quae reddi ante censuerant, res integra re- 
fertur ad patres. Ibi victi ira 2 vetuere reddi, vetuere 

2 in publicum redigi : diripienda plebi sunt data, ut 
contacta regia praeda spem in perpetuum cum iis 
pacis arnitteret. Ager Tarquiniorum, qui inter ur- 
bem ac Tiberim fuit, consecratus Marti Martius 

3 deinde campus fait. Forte ibi turn seges farris 
dicitur fuisse matura messi. Quern campi fructum 
quia religiosum erat consumere, desectam cum stra- 
mento segetem magna vis hominum simul immissa 
corbibus fudere in Tiberim tenui fluentem aqua, ut 
mediis caloribus solet. Ita in vadis haesitantis fru- 

1 regiis Gruter : regis fl. 

2 Ibi victi ira (ibi victa ra M) n : ii victi ira Weissen- 
born : ibi vicit ira Frey. 

1 Ordinarily the Roman farmer cut the st;dk close to the 
ear, but this time it was cut near the ground, that the crop 
might be completely destroyed. 


BOOK II. iv. 5-v. 3 

new design. This conversation one of the slaves over- B.C. 509 
heard. He had for some time perceived what was in 
the wind, but was waiting for the opportunity which 
the delivery of the letters to the envoys would 
provide, that their seizure might make good his ac- 
cusation. When he saw that the letters had been 
given, he laid the matter before the consuls. The 

c? * 

consuls left their houses, arrested the agents and 
the conspirators, and, without making any disturb- 
ance, completely crushed the plot, being especially 
careful not to lose the letters. The traitors were 
thrown into prison forthwith. As for the envoys, it 
was uncertain for a little while what would be done 
with them, but, notwithstanding they appeared to 
have deserved no less than to be treated as enemies, 
the law of nations nevertheless prevailed. V. The 
question of the royal property, which they had before 
voted to return, was laid before the Fathers for fresh 
consideration. This time anger won the day. They 
refused to return it, and refused to confiscate it to 
the state, but gave it up to the plebeians to plunder, 
that having had their fingers in the spoils of the 
princes they might for ever relinquish hope of making 
their peace with them. The land of the Tarquinii, 
lying between the City and the Tiber, was consecrated 
to Mars and became the Campus Martins. It hap- 
pened, they say, that there was then standing upon 
it a crop of spelt, ripe for the harvest. Since this 
produce of the land might not, for religious reasons, 
be consumed, the grain was cut, straw and all, 1 by a 
large body of men, who were set to work upon it 
simultaneously, and was carried in baskets and thrown 

J y 

into the Tiber, then flowing with a feeble current, 
as is usually the case in midsummer. So the heaps 



A.U.C. 4 menti acervos sedisse inlitos limo ; insulam inde 


paiilatim, et aliis quae fert temere flumen eodem 
invectis, factam. Postea credo additas moles manu- 
que adiutum, ut tarn eminens area firmaque templis 

5 quoque ac porticibus sustinendis esset. Direptis 
bonis regum damnati proditores sumptumque suppli- 
cium, conspectius eo quod poenae capiendae minis- 
terium patri de liberis consulatus imposuit, et qui 
spectator erat amovendus, eum ipsum fortuna ex- 

6 actorem supplicii dedit. Stabant deligati ad palum 
nobilissimi iuvenes ; sed a ceteris, velut ab ignotis 
capitibus, consulis liberi omnium in se averterant 
oculos, miserebatque non poenae magis homines 

7 quam sceleris quo poenam meriti essent : illos eo 
potissimum anno patriam liberatam, patrem libera- 
torem, consulatum ortum ex domo lunia, patres, 
plebem^ quidquid deorum hominumque Romanorum 
esset, induxisse in animum ut superbo quondam regi, 

8 turn infesto exsuli proderent. Consules in sedem 
processere suam^ missique lictores ad sumendum 
supplicium. Nudatos virgis caedunt securique feri- 
unt, cum inter omne tempus pater voltusque et os 
eius spectaculo esset eminente ammo patrio inter 

9 publicae poenae ministerium. Secundum poenam 


BOOK II. v. 3-9 

of grain, caught in the shallow water, settled down B.C. 509 
in the mud, and out of these and the accumulation 
of other chance materials such as a river brings 
down, there Avas gradually formed an island. Later, 
I suppose, embankments were added, and work was 
done, to raise the surface so high above the water 
and make it strong enough to sustain even temples 
and porticoes. When the chattels of the princes had 
been pillaged, sentence was pronounced and punish- 
ment inflicted upon the traitors a punishment the 
more conspicuous because the office of consul im- 
posed upon a father the duty of exacting the penalty 
from his sons, and he who ought to have been spared 
even the sight of their suffering was the very man 
whom Fortune appointed to enforce it. Bound to 
the stake stood youths of the highest birth. But 
the rest were ignored as if they had been of the 
rabble : the consul's sons drew all eyes upon them- 
selves. Men pitied them for their punishment not 
more than for the crime by which they had deserved 
that punishment. To think that those young men, 
in that year of all others, when their country was 
liberated and her liberator their own father, and 
when the consulship had begun with the Junian 
family, could have brought themselves to betray all 
the senate, the plebs, and all the gods and men of 
Rome to one who had formerly been a tyrannical 
king and was then an enemy exile ! The consuls 
advanced to their tribunal and dispatched the lictors 
to execute the sentence. The culprits were stripped, 
scourged with rods, and beheaded, while through it 
all men gazed at the expression on the father's face, 
where they might clearly read a father's anguish, as 
he administered the nation's retribution. When the 



A u c< nocentium, ut in utranique partem arcendis sceleri- 


bus exemplum nobile esset, praemiuni indici pecunia 
ex aerario, libertas et civitas data. Ille primum 
10 dicitur vindicta liberatus. Quidam vindictae quoque 
nomen tractum ab illo putant ; Vindicio ipsi nomen 
fuisse. Post ilium observatum ut qui ita liberati 
essent in civitatem accepti viderentur. 

VI. His sicut acta erant nuntiatis incensus Tar- 
quinius non dolore solum tantae ad inritum cadentis 
spei sed etiam odio irnque, postquam dolo viam 
obsaeptam vidit, bellum aperte moliendum ratus 

2 circumire supplex Etruriae urbes ; orare maxime 
Veientes Tarquiniensesque, ne ex se l ortum, eius- 
dem sanguinis, extorrem, egentem ex tanto modo 
regno cum liberis adulescentibus ante oculos suos 
perire sinerent. Alios peregre in regnum Romam 
accitos : se regem, augentem bello Romanum im- 
perium a proximis scelerata coniuratione pulsum. 

3 Eos inter se, quia nemo unus satis dignus regno visus 
sit, partes regni rapuisse ; bona sua diripienda po- 
pulo dedisse, ne quis expers sceleris esset. Patriam 
se regnumque suum repetere et persequi ingratos 

1 ne ex se Drakenborch : ni (or ne) se fi. 

1 A staff with which the slave was touched in the ceremony 
of manumission. The etymology suggested in the next sen- 
tence is wrong ; Vindiciut, like vindicta, is derived from 


BOOK II. v. 9-vi. 3 

guilty had suffered, that the example might be in B.C. 509 
both respects a notable deterrent from crime, the in- 
former was rewarded with money from the treasury, 
emancipation, and citizenship. He is said to have 
been the first to be freed by the vindicta. 1 Some 
think that even the word vindicta was derived from 
his name, which they suppose to have been Vindicius. 
From his time onwards it was customary to regard 
those who had been freed by this form as admitted 
to citizenship. 

VI. When these occurrences had been faithfully 
reported to Tarquinius, he was stirred not only by 
disappointment at the collapse of so great hopes, 
but also by hatred and anger. He saw that the way 
was now closed against trickery, and believed it was 
time to contrive an open war. He therefore went 
about as a suppliant amongst the cities of Etruria, 
directing his prayers chiefly to the Veientes and 
the Tarquinienses. Reminding them that he had 
come from them and was of the same blood as 
themselves, and that exile and poverty had followed 
hard upon his loss of what had been but now great 
power, he besought them not to let him perish, with 
his youthful sons, before their very eyes. Others 
had been called in from abroad to be kings in Rome : 
he himself, while actually king, and enlarging Rome's 
sway by war, had been driven out by his next-of-kin 
in a wicked conspiracy. His enemies, perceiving that 
no single claimant was fit to be king, had seized and 
usurped the power amongst themselves, and had 
given up his goods to be plundered by the people, 
that none might be without a share in the guilt. 
He wished to regain his country and his sovereignty, 
and to punish the ungrateful Romans. Let them 



A.U.C. cives velle. Ferreiit opem, adiuvarent ; suas quoque 


veteres iniunas ultum irent, totiens caesas legiones, 

4 agrum ademptum. Haec moverunt Veientes, ac pro 
se quisque Romano saltern duce ignominias demendas 
belloque amissa repetenda minaciter fremunt. Tar- 
quinienses nomen ac cognatio movet : pulchrum 

5 videbatur suos Romae regnare. Ita duo duarum civi- 
tatium exercitus ad repetendum regnum belloque 
persequendos Romanes secuti Tarquinium. Post- 
quam in agrum Romanum ventum est, obviam hosti 

6 consules eunt : Valerius quadrate agmine peditem 
ducit ; Brutus ad explorandum cum equitatu ante- 
cessit. Eodem modo primus eques hostium agminis 
fuit; praeerat Arruns Tarquinius, filius regis ; rex 

7 ipse cum legionibus sequebatur. Arruns ubi ex lic- 
toribus procul consulem esse, deinde iam propius ac 
certius facie quoque Brutum cognovit, inflammatus 
ira "Ille est vir/' inquit, "qui nos extorres expulit 
patria. Ipse en ille nostris decoratus insignibus 

8 magnifice incedit. Di regum ultores adeste." Con- 
citat calcaribus equum atque in ipsum infestus con- 
sulem derigit. Sensit in se iri Brutus. Decorum 
erat turn ipsis capessere pugnam ducibus ; avide 

9 itaque se certamini offert, adeoque infestis animis 
concurrerunt, neuter, dum hostem volneraret, sui 
protegendi corporis memor, ut contrario ictu per 


BOOK II. vi. 3-9 

succour and support him, and avenge, as well, their B.C. 509 
own long-standing grievances, the oft-repeated de- 
struction of their armies, and seizure of their lands. 
This last plea moved the men of Veii, and they cried 
out with threatenings that they ought, at all events 
with a Roman for their commander, to wipe out their 
disgraces and recover what they had lost in war. 
The Tarquinienses were influenced by his name and 
kinship : it seemed a fine thing to them that one of 
their blood should be king in Rome. So it came 
about that two armies, representing two nations, 
followed Tarquinius, to regain his kingdom for him 
and to chastise the Romans. When they had come 
into Roman territory the consuls went out to meet 
the enemy : Valerius led the foot in defensive forma- 
tion ; Brutus, with the cavalry, went ahead to scout. 
In the same fashion the enemy's horse headed their 
march, commanded by Arruns Tarquinius, the king's 
son, while the king himself followed with the legions. 
Arruns, perceiving a long way off by the consul's 
lictors that it was he, and then, as they drew nearer 
together, recognizing Brutus more unmistakably by 
his countenance, blazed with resentment. " Yonder," 
he cried, "is the man who drove us into exile from 
our native land. Look ! He is himself decked out 
with our trappings, as he comes proudly on ! O gods, 
avengers of kings, be with us ! " Spurring his horse, 
he charged straight at the consul. Brutus saw that 
he was the object of the man's attack. In those 
days it was to a general's credit to take part in the 
actual fighting, so he eagerly accepted the challenge, 
and they rushed at one another with such despera- 
tion, neither of them taking thought for his own 
defence if only he might wound his adversary, that 



A.U.C. parmam uterque transfixus duabus haerentes hastis 


10 moribund! ex equis lapsi sint. Simul et cetera 
equestris pugna coepit, neque ita multo post et 
pedites superveniunt. Ibi varia victoria et velut 
aequo Marte pugnatum est : dextera utrimque cor- 

11 nua vicere, laeva superata. Veientes, vinci ab Ro- 
mano milite adsueti, fusi fugatique ; TarquiniensiSj 
novus hostis, non stetit solum, sed etiam ab sua 
parte Romanum pepulit. VII. Ita cum pugnatum 
esset, tantus terror Tarquinium atque Etruscos in- 
cessit ut omissa inrita re, nocte anibo exercitus, 
V T eiens Tarquiniensisque, suas quisque abirent domos. 

2 Adiciunt miracula huic pugnae : silentio proximae 
noctis ex silva Arsia ingentem editam vocem ; Silvani 
vocem earn creditam ; haec dicta : uno plus Tusco- 

3 rum cecidisse in acie ; vincere bello Romanum. Ita 
certe inde abiere Romani ut victores, Etrusci pro 
victis. Nam postquam inluxit nee quisquam hostium 
in conspectu erat, P. Valerius consul spolia legit 

4 triumphansque inde Romam rediit. Collegae funus 
quanto turn potuit apparatu fecit ; sed multo maius 
morti decus publica fuit maestitia, eo ante omnia 
insignis quia matronae annum ut parentem eum 


BOOK 11. vi. 9-vn. 4 

each was pierced right through his shield by the B.C. 509 
other's thrust, and, impaled upon the two spears, 
they fell dying from their horses. At the same time 
the rest of the cavalry as well began to fight, and 
not long after the infantry also appeared. In this 
battle the advantage was divided, and the fortune 
of war seemed equally balanced : the right wing 
on each side was victorious, while the left was 
defeated. The Veientes, used to being beaten by 
the Roman troops, were routed and dispersed ; the 
men of Tarquinii, a new enemy, not only stood 
their ground, but drove back the Roman forces 
which opposed them. VII. Yet despite the in- 
decisive character of the battle, so great a panic 
came over Tarquinius and the Etruscans that they 
gave up the enterprise for lost, and that same night 
both armies, the Veientine and the Tarquiniensian, 
marched off" every man to his own home. To the 
story of this fight common report adds a prodigy : 
that in the silence of the following night a loud voice 
was heard coming out of the Arsian forest, which was 
believed to be the voice of Silvanus, and that this 
was what he said : "The Tuscans have lost one more 
man in the battle-line ; the Romans are conquerors 
in the war." At all events the Romans left the field 
like victors, and the Etruscans like an army that has 
been defeated. For when it grew light and not a 
single enemy was to be seen, Publius Valerius the 
consul gathered up the spoils and returned in triumph 
to Rome. His colleague's funeral he celebrated with 
all the pomp then possible ; but a far greater honour 
to the dead man was the general grief, which was 
particularly conspicuous inasmuch as the matrons 
mourned a year for him, as for a father, because 



A.U.C. luxerunt, quod tarn acer ultor violatae pudicitiae 

5 Consult delude qui superfuerat, ut sunt mutabiles 
volgi animi, ex favore non invidia modo sed suspicio 

6 etiam cum atroci crimine orta. Regnum eum ad- 
fectare fama ferebat, quia nee collegam subrogaverat 
in locum Bruti et aedificabat in summa Velia : ibi 
alto atque munito loco arcem inexpugnabilem fieri. 1 

7 Haec dicta volgo creditaque cum indignitate ange- 
rent consulis animum, vocato ad concilium populo 
submissis fascibus in contionem escendit. Gratum 
id multitudini spectaculum fuit, submissa sibi esse 
imperil insignia confessionemque factam populi quam 

8 consulis maiestatem vimque maiorem esse. Ibi au- 
dire iussis consul laudare fortunam collegae, quod 
liberata patria, in summo honore, pro re publica 
dimicans, matura gloria necdum se vertente in in- 
vidiam, mortem occubuisset : se superstitem gloriae 
suae ad crimen atque invidiam superesse, ex libera- 
tore patriae ad Aquilios se Vitelliosque recidisse. 

9 "Numquamne ergo/' inquit, "ulla adeo vobis 2 spec- 
tata virtus erit, ut suspicione violari nequeat ? Ego 
me, ilium acerrimum regum hostem, ipsum cupidi- 

1 fieri Conway and Walters ; fieri fore fi ; fore D l or Z> 2 , 
We isseriborn-Miiller. 

2 vobis Gron. L<? : a vobis n. 

1 Bundles of rods which symbolized the magistrate's au- 
thority to scourge, as the axes (secures) did his right to put 
to death. 


BOOK II. vii. 4-9 

he had been so spirited an avenger of outraged B.C. 509 

Soon after this the surviving consul, so fickle are 
the affections of the mob, became unpopular ; not 
only did the people dislike him, but they actually 
suspected him and made cruel charges against him. 
It was noised about that he was aspiring to the power 
of a king, since he had not caused a colleague to be 
elected in the place of Brutus, and was building a 
house on the highest part of the Velia, an elevated 
position of natural strength, men said, which he was 
converting into an impregnable citadel. The fre- 
quency of these remarks and the general acceptance 
they met with, shamefully unjust as they were, dis- 
tressed the consul. He summoned the people to 
a council, and with lowered fasces l mounted the 
speaker's platform. It was a welcome spectacle to 
the multitude when they beheld the emblems of 
authority there abased before them, in acknowledg- 
ment that the people's majesty and power were 
superior to the consul's. Then, bidding them attend, 
the consul extolled the good fortune of his colleague, 
who, after his country had thrown off the yoke, had 
held the highest office in her gift, and, fighting for 
the state, at the height of a reputation as yet un- 
tarnished by envy, had met his death. He had 
himself outlived his glory, and survived to face ac- 
cusations and ill-will. From being the saviour of 
his country he had sunk to the level of the Aquilii 
and Vitellii. " Will there never be worth and merit, 
then," he exclaimed, "so established in your minds 
that suspicion cannot wrong it ? Could I possibly 
have feared that I, well known as the bitterest 
enemy of kings, should myself incur the charge ot 



A.U.C. 10 tatis regni crimcn subiturum timerem ? Ego si in 


ipsa arce Capitoiioque habitarem, metui me crederem 
posse a civibus meis ? Tain levi momento mea apud 
vos fama pendet ? Adeone est fundata leviter fides 

11 ut ubi sini quam qui sim magis referat? Non obsta- 
bunt P. Valeri aedes libertati vestrae, Quirites ; tuta 
erit vobis Velia. Deferam non in planum modo 
aedes, sed colli etiam subiciam, ut vos supra suspec- 
tum me civem habitetis ; in Velia aedificent quibus 

12 melius quam P. Valerio creditur libertas." Delata 
confestim materia omnis infra Veliam et, ubi nunc 
Vicae Potae l est, domus in infimo clivo aedificata. 

VIII. Latae deinde leges, non solum quae regni 
suspicione consul em absolverent, sed quae adeo in 
contrarium verterent ut popularem etiam facerent. 

2 Inde cognomen factum Publicolae est. Ante omnes 
de provocatione adversus magistratus ad populum 
sacrandoque cum bonis capite eius qui regni occu- 
pandi consilia inisset gratae in volgus leges fuere. 

3 Quas cum solus pertulisset, ut sua unius in his gratia 
esset, turn demum 2 comitia collegae subrogando 

4 habuit. Creatus Sp. Lucretius consul, qui magno 
natu non sufficientibus iam viribus ad consularia 
munera obeunda intra paucos dies moritur. Suffec- 

5 tus in Lucreti locum M. Horatius Pulvillus. Apud 

1 Vicae Potae Lipsius and Klock : vice (or -ae) pocae (or 
-e) H : Vicae Pocae aedes Siesebye. 

2 demum Alschefski : deinde il. 


BOOK II. vii. 9-vin. 5 

seeking kingly power? Could I have believed that, B.C. 509 
though I dwelt in the very Citadel and on the Capitol 
itself, I could be feared by my fellow-citizens ? Can 
so trivial a cause ruin my reputation with you? Does 
your confidence rest on so slight a foundation that 
it makes more difference where I am than who I 
am ? There shall be no menace in the house of 
Publius Valerius to your liberties, Quirites ; your 
Velia shall be safe. I will not only bring my house 
down on to level ground, but will even place it under 
a hill, that you may live above me, the citizen whom 
you suspect. Let those build on the Velia who can 
better be trusted with men's liberty than can Pub- 
lius Valerius ! " Immediately the materials were all 
brought down below the Velia, and the house was 
erected where the temple of Vica Pota is now, at 
the bottom of the slope. 

VIII. Laws were then proposed which not only 
cleared the consul from the suspicion of seeking 
kingly power, but took such an opposite turn that 
they even made him popular and caused him to be 
styled Publicola, the People's Friend. Above all, 
the laAv about appealing from the magistrates to the 
people, and the one that pronounced a curse on the 
life and property of a man who should plot to make 
himself king, were welcome to the commons. When 
he had carried through these measures alone, that 
he might enjoy without a rival all the favour arising 
out of them, he finally held an election to choose a 
colleague for the unexpired term. The choice fell 
upon Spurius Lucretius, who by reason of his great 
age was no longer strong enough for the duties 
of the consulship, and died within a few days. 
They elected in Lucretius's place Marcus Horatius 



A.n.c. quosdain veteres auctores non invenio Lucretium 


consulem ; Bruto statim Horatiuin suggerunt ; credo 
quia nulla gesta res insignem fecerit consulatum 
memoriam l intercidisse. 

6 Nondum dedicata erat in Capitolio lovis aedes. 
Valerius Horatiusque consules sortiti uter dedicaret. 
Horatio sorte evenit : Publioola ad Veientiuni bellum 

7 profectus. Aegrius quani dignum erat tulere Valeri 
necessarii dedicationem tarn incliti templi Horatio 
dari. Id omnibus modis impedire conati, postquam 
alia frustra temptata erant, postern iam tenenti con- 
suli foedum inter precationem deum nuntium incu- 
tiunt mortuum eius filium esse, funestaque familia 

8 dedicare eum templum non posse. Non crediderit 
factum, an tantum animo roboris fuerit, nee traditur 
certum nee interpretatio est facilis ; nihil aliud ad 
eum nuntium a proposito aversus, quam ut cadaver 
efferri iuberet, tenens postern precationem peragit et 
dedicat templum. 

9 Haec post exactos reges domi militiaeque gesta 
primo anno. 

A.U.C. IX. Inde P. Valerius iterum T. Lucretius consules 


facti. Iam Tarquinii ad Lartem Porsinnam, 2 Clusi- 

1 memoriam - : memoria fl. 

2 This name has everywhere in this edition been spellc.d with 
an i, though here and in some other places n read Porsennam, 
etc. Probably Livy's own usage varied, cf. Gonway and 
Walters ad loc. 

1 Dion. Hal. (v. 21) eays that Valerius was consul for the 
third time, and Horatius for the second time, when the war 
with Porsinna came. Mommsen thought the MSS. had lost 


BOOK II. viii. 5-ix. i 

Pulvillus. In some ancient authorities I do not find B.C. 509 
Lucretius given as consul, but Brutus is followed 
immediately by Horatius ; 1 suppose that because 
no exploit lent distinction to Lucretius's consulship 
men forgot it. 

The temple of Jupiter on the Capitol had not yet 
been dedicated. Valerius and Horatius the consuls 
drew lots to determine which should do it. Horatius 
received the lot, and Publicola set out to conduct the 
war against the Veientes. With more bitterness than 
was reasonable, the friends of Valerius resented that 
the dedication of so famous a temple should be given 
to Horatius. They tried in all sorts of ways to hinder 
it, but their schemes all came to naught. Finally, 
when the consul's hand was on the door-post and he 
was in the midst of his prayers to the gods, they 
broke in upon the ceremony with the evil tidings 
that his son was dead, averring that whilst the shadow 
of death was over his house he could not dedicate a 
temple. Whether he did not believe the news to be 
true, or possessed great fortitude, we are not informed 
with certainty, nor is it easy to decide. Without per- 
mitting himself to be diverted from his purpose by 
the message, further than to order that the body 
should be buried, he kept his hand upon the door- 
post, finished his prayer, and dedicated the temple. 

Such were the achievements, at home and in the 
field, of the first year after the expulsion of the 

IX. Next Publius Valerius (for the second time) B.C. sos 
and Titus Lucretius were made consuls. 1 By this 
time the Tarquinii had sought refuge with Lars 

these names, and proposed to insert them directly after those 
in the text. But in chap. xi. 8, T. Lucretius is still the 
colleague of Valerius. 



A.TT.O. num regern, perfugerant. Ibi miscendo consilium 
precesque nunc orabant ne se, oriundos ex Etruscis, 
eiusdem sanguinis nominisque, egentes exsulare pate- 

2 retur, nunc monebant etiam ne orientem morem 
pellendi reges inultum sineret. Satis libertatem 

3 ipsam habere dulcedinis. Nisi quanta vi civitates 
earn expetant, tanta regna reges defendant, aequari 
sumrna infimis ; nihil excelsum, nihil quod supra 
cetera emineat in civitatibus fore ; adesse finem reg- 

4 nis, rei inter deos hominesque pulcherrimae. Por- 
sinna cum regem esse Romae tutum, turn 1 Etruscae 
gentis regem amplum Tuscis ratus, Romam infesto 

5 exercitu venit. Non unquam alias ante tantus terror 
senatum invasit ; adeo valida res turn Clusina erat 
magnumque Porsinnae nomen. Nee hostes modo 
timebant, sed suosmet ipsi cives, ne Romana plebs, 
metu perculsa receptis in urbem regibus, vel cum 

6 servitute pacem acciperet. Multa igitur blandimenta 
plebi per id tempus ab senatu data. Annonae in 
primis habita cura, et ad frumentum comparandum 
missi alii in Volscos, alii Cumas. Salis quoque ven- 
dendi arbitrium, quia impenso pretio venibat, 2 in 
publicum omne sumptum, 3 ademptum privatis ; por- 
toriisque et tributo plebes 4 Hberata, ut divites con- 
ferrent, qui oneri ferendo essent : pauperes satis 

7 stipendii pendere si liberos educent. Itaque haec 

1 tutum turn Conway turn n : fateretur turn DL. 

2 venibat #V : veniebat (-bant M) fi. 

3 omne sumptum Gronov. : omni sumptum B : omni 
eumptu il. * plebes Gronov. : plebe il. 


BOOK II. ix. 1-7 

Porsinna, king of Clusium. There they mingled advice B.C. 608 
and entreat) 7 , now imploring him not to permit them, 
Etruscans by birth and of the same blood and the 
same name as himself, to suffer the privations of 
exile, and again even warning him not to allow the 
growing custom of expelling kings to go unpunished. 
Liberty was sweet enough in itself. Unless the 
energy with which nations sought to obtain it were 
matched by the efforts which kings put forth to 
defend their power, the highest would be reduced 
to the level of the lowest ; there would be nothing 
lofty, nothing that stood out above the rest of the 
state ; there was the end of monarchy, the noblest 
stitution known to gods or men. Porsinna, believ- 
ing that it was not only a safe thing for the Etruscans 
that there should be a king at Rome, but an honour 
to have that king of Etruscan stock, invaded Roman 
territory with a hostile army. Never before had such 
fear seized the senate, so powerful was Clusium in 
those days, and so great Porsinna' s fame. And they 
feared not only the enemy but their own citizens, 
lest the plebs should be terror-stricken and, admit- 
ting the princes into the City, should even submit to 
enslavement, for the sake of peace. Hence the senate 
at this time granted many favours to the plebs. The 
question of subsistence received special attention, 
and some were sent to the Volsci and others to 
Cumae to buy up corn. Again, the monopoly of 
salt, the price of which was very high, was taken 
out of the hands of individuals and wholly assumed 
by the government. Imposts and taxes were removed 
from the plebs that they might be borne by the well- 
to-do, who were equal to the burden : the poor paid 
dues enough if they reared children. Thanks to this 



A.U.C. indulgentia patrum asperis postmodum rebus in ob- 
sidione ac fame adeo concordem civitatem tenuit ut 
regium nomen non summi magis quam infimi horre- 
8 rent, nee quisquam unus mails artibus postea tarn 
popularis esset quam turn bene imperando universus 
senatus fuit. 

X. Cum hostes adessent, pro se quisque in urbem 
ex agris demigrant, urbem ipsam saepiunt praesidiis. 

2 Alia muris, alia Tiberi obiecto videbantur tuta : pons 
sublicius iter paene hostibus dedit, ni unus vir fuisset, 
Horatius Cocles ; id munimentum illo die fortuna 

3 urbis Romanae habuit. Qui positus forte in statione 
pontis, cum captum repentino impetu laniculum 
atque inde citatos decurrere hostes vidisset trepi- 
damque turbam suorum arma ordinesque relinquere, 
reprehensans singulos, obsistens obtestansque deum 

4. et hominum fidem testabatur nequiquam deserto 
praesidio eos fugere ; si transitum ponte l a tergo 
reliquissent, iam plus hostium in Palatio Capitolioque 
quam in laniculo fore. Itaque monere, praedicere 
ut pontem ferro, igni, quacumque vi possint, inter- 
rumpant : se impetum hostium, quantum corpore 

5 uno posset obsisti, excepturum. Vadit inde in pri- 

1 ponte Postdate : pontem n. 

BOOK II. ix. 7-x. 5 

liberality on the part of the Fathers, the distress B.C. 508 
which attended the subsequent blockade and famine 
was powerless to destroy the harmony of the state, 
which was such that the name of king was not more 
abhorrent to the highest than to the lowest ; nor 
was there ever a man in after years whose demagogic 
arts made him so popular as its wise governing at 
that time made the whole senate. 

X. When the enemy appeared., the Romans all, 
with one accord, withdrew from their fields into the 
City, which they surrounded with guards. Some parts 
appeared to be rendered safe by their walls, others 
by the barrier formed by the river Tiber. The bridge 
of piles almost afforded an entrance to the enemy, 
had it not been for one man, Horatius Codes ; he 
was the bulwark of defence on which that day de- 
pended the fortune of the City of Rome. He chanced 
to be on guard at the bridge when Janiculum was 
captured by a sudden attack of the enemy. He saw 
them as they charged down on the run from Janicu- 
lum, while his own people behaved like a frightened 
mob, throwing away their arms and quitting their 
ranks. Catching hold first of one and then of an- 
other, blocking their way and conjuring them to 
listen, he called on gods and men to witness that if 
they forsook their post it was vain to flee ; once they 
had left a passage in their rear by the bridge, there 
would soon be more of the enemy on the Palatine 
and the Capitol than on Janiculum. He therefore 
warned and commanded them to break down the 
bridge with steel, with fire, with any instrument at 
their disposal ; and promised that he would himself 
receive the onset of the enemy, so far as it could be 
withstood by a single body. Then, striding to the 



A..UC. mum aditum pontis, insignisque inter conspecta 
cedentium pugnae terga obversis comminus ad in- 
eundum proelium armis ipso miraculo audaciae ob- 

6 stupefecit hostis. Duos tamen cum eo pudor tenuit, 
Sp. Larcium 1 ac T. Herminium ; ambos claros genere 

7 factisque. Cum his primam periculi procellam et 
quod tumultuosissimum pugnae erat parumper susti- 
nuit ; deinde eos quoque ipsos exigua parte pontis 
relicta revocantibus qui rescindebant cedere in tutum 

8 coegit. Circumferens inde truces minaciter oculos 
ad proceres Etruscorum nunc singulos provocare, 
nunc increpare omnes : servitia regum superborum, 
suae libertatis immemores alienam oppugnatum ve- 

9 nire. Cunctati aliquamdiu sunt, dum alias alium, ut 
proelium incipiant, circumspectant. Pudor deinde 
commovit aciem, et clamore sublato undique in unum 

10 hostem tela coniciunt. Quae cum in obiecto cuncta 
scuto haesissent, neque ille minus obstinatus ingenti 
pontem obtineret gradu, iam impetu conabantur 
detrudere virum, cum simul fragor rupti pontis, 
simul clamor Romanorum alacritate perfecti operis 

11 sublatus, pavore subito impetum sustinuit. Turn 
Codes "Tiberine pater," inquit, "te sancte precor, 
haec arma et hunc mil item propitio flumine acci- 
pias." Ita sic armatus in Tiberim desiluit multisque 
superincidentibus telis incolumis ad suos tranavit, 

1 Larcium n (and Dion. Hal. v. 23, 2) : Lartium O 1 (or 
0) RDL$- : Largium 


BOOK II. x. 5-n 

head of the bridge, conspicuous amongst the fugitives B.C. 508 
who were clearly seen to be shirking the fight, 
lie covered himself with his sword and buckler and 
made ready to do battle at close quarters, confound- 
ing the Etruscans with amazement at his audacity. 
Yet were there two who were prevented by shame 
from leaving him. These were Spurius Larcius and 
Titus Herminius, both famous for their birth and 
their deeds. With these he endured the peril of 
the first rush and the stormiest moment of the 
battle. But after a while he forced even these two 
to leave him and save themselves, for there was 
scarcely anything left of the bridge, and those who 
w r ere cutting it down called to them to come back. 
Then, darting glances of defiance around at the Etrus- 
can nobles, he now challenged them in turn to fight, 
now railed at them collectively as slaves of haughty 
kings, who, heedless of their own liberty, were come 
to overthrow the liberty of others. They hesitated 
for a moment, each looking to his neighbour to begin 
the fight. Then shame made them attack, and with 
a shout they cast their javelins from every side against 
their solitary foe. But he caught them all upon his 
shield, and, resolute as ever, bestrode the bridge and 
held his ground ; and now they were trying to dis- 
lodge him by a charge, when the crash of the falling 
bridge and the cheer which burst from the throats 
of the Romans, exulting in the completion of their 
task, checked them in mid-career with a sudden 
dismay. Then Codes cried, " O Father Tiberinus, 
I solemnly invoke thee ; receive these arms and this 
soldier with propitious stream ! " So praying, all 
armed as he was, he leaped down into the river, 
and under a shower of missiles swam across unhurt 



A.U.C. rem ausus plus famae habituram ad posteros quam 


12 fidei. Grata erga tantam virtutem ci vitas fuit : statua 
in comitio posita ; agri quantum uno die circumaravit 

13 datum. Privata quoque inter publicos honores studia 
eminebant ; nam in magna inopia pro domesticis 
copiis unusquisque ei aliquid, fraudans se ipse victu 
suo, contulit. 

XI. Porsinna prirno conatu repulsus, consiliis ab 
oppugnanda urbe ad obsidendam versis, praesidio in 
laniculo locato ipse in piano ripisque Tiberis castra 

2 posuit, navibus undique accitis et ad custodiam, ne 
quid Romam frumenti subvehi sineret, et ut prae- 
datum milites trans flumen per occasiones aliis atque 

3 aliis locis traiceret 1 ; brevique adeo infesttim omnem 
Romanum agrum reddidit, ut non cetera solum ex 
agris sed pecus quoque omne in urbem compelle- 
retur, neque quisquam extra portas propellere aude- 

4 ret. Hoc tantum licentiae Etruscis non metu magis 
quam consilio concessum. Namque Valerius consul, 
intentus in occasionem multos simul et effuses im- 
proviso adoriundi, in par vis rebus neglegens ultor, 

5 gravem se ad maiora vindicem servabat. Itaque ut 
eliceret praedatores, edicit suis, postero die fre- 

1 traiceret Gronov.: traicerent n. 

BOOK II. x. n-xi. 5 

to his fellows, having given a proof of valour which B.C. sos 
was destined to obtain more fame than credence 
with posterity. The state was grateful for so brave 
a deed : a statue of Codes was set up in the comitium, 
and he was given as much land as he could plough 
around in one day. Private citizens showed their 
gratitude in a striking fashion, in the midst of his 
official honours, for notwithstanding their great dis- 
tress everybody made him some gift proportionate 
to his means, though he robbed himself of his own 

XI. Porsinna, repulsed in his first attempt, gave 
up the plan of storming the City, and determined to 
lay siege to it. Placing a garrison on Janiculum, he 
pitched his camp in the plain by the banks of the 
Tiber. He collected ships from every quarter, both 
for guarding the river, to prevent any corn from 
being brought into the City, and also to send his 
troops across for plundering, as the opportunity might 
present itself at one point or another; and in a short 
time he made all the territory of the Romans so 
unsafe that not only were they forced to bring all 
their other property inside the walls, but even their 
flocks too, nor did anybody dare to drive them out- 
side the gates. This great degree of licence was per- 
mitted to the Etruscans not so much from timidity 
as design. For Valerius the consul, who was eager 
for an opportunity of assailing a large number at 
once, when they should be scattered about and not 
expecting an attack, cared little to avenge small ag- 
gressions, and reserved his punishment for a heavier 
blow. Accordingly, to lure forth plunderers, he issued 
orders to his people that on the following day a large 
number of them should drive out their flocks by the 


VOL. I. K 


A.IT.C. quentes porta Esquilina, quae aversissima ab hoste 
erat, expellerent pecus, scituros id hostes ratus, quod 
in obsidione et fame servitia infida transfugerent. 

6 Et sciere perfugae indicio, multoque plures, ut in 

7 spem universae praedae, flumen traiciunt. P. Vale- 
rius inde x T. Herminium cum modicis copiis ad 
secundum lapidem Gabina via occultum considere 
iubet, Sp. Larcium cum expedita iuventute ad por- 
tam Collinam stare donee hostis praetereat, inde se 

8 obicere ne sit ad flumen reditus. Consulum alter 
T. Lucretius porta Naevia cum aliquot manipulis 
militum egressus, ipse Valerius Caelio monte co- 

9 hortes delectas educit, hique primi apparuere hosti. 
Herminius ubi tumultum sensit, concurrit ex insidiis 
versisque in Lucretium Etruscis terga caedit ; dextra 
laevaque, hinc a porta Collina, illinc ab Naevia, red- 

10 ditus clamor : ita caesi in medio praedatores, neque 
ad pugnam viribus pares et ad fugam saeptis omni- 
bus viis. Finisque ille tarn effuse evagandi 2 Etruscis 

XII. Obsidio erat nihilo minus, et frumenti cum 

summa caritate inopia, sedendoque expugnaturum se 

2 urbem spem Porsinna habebat, cum C. Mucius, adu- 

lescens nobilis, cui indignum videbatur populum 

1 inde Sobius : m n : in R. 

2 evagandi fi. : auagandi P : uagandi 5-. 

1 Where there was a gate called Porta Caelimontana, 
Bouth of the Porta Esquilina. 

2 From the standpoint of the inhabitants of the city, 
looking eastward from the walls. 


BOOK II. xi. 5-xn. 2 

Esquiline Gate, which was the most remote from the B.C. sos 
enemy, believing that they would hear of it, since 
the blockade and famine were causing desertions on 
the part of faithless slaves. And in fact the enemy 
did hear of it from a deserter's report, and crossed 
the river in much greater force than usual, in the 
hope of making a clean sweep of the booty. Con- 
sequently Publius Valerius directed Titus Herminius 
to lie in ambush with a small force two miles out on 
the Gabinian Way, and Spurius Larcius with a body 
of light-armed youths to take post at the Colline 
Gate, until the enemy should pass, and then to throw 
themselves between him and the river, cutting off 
his retreat. Of the two consuls, Titus Lucretius 
went out by the Naevian Gate with several maniples 
of soldiers, Valerius himself led out some picked 
cohorts by way of the Caelian Mount. 1 These last 
were the first to be seen by the enemy. Herminius 
had no sooner perceived that the skirmish was begun 
than he rushed in from his ambush and fell upon the 
rear of the Etruscans, who had turned to meet Va- 
lerius. On the right hand and on the left, 2 from the 
Naevian Gate and from the Colline, an answering 
shout was returned. Thus the raiders were hemmed 
in and cut to pieces, for they were no match for the 
Romans in fighting strength, and were shut off from 
every line of retreat. This was the last time the 
Etruscans roamed so far afield. 

XII. The blockade went on notwithstanding. The 
corn was giving out, and what there was cost a very 
high price, and Porsinna was beginning to have hopes 
that he would take the City by sitting still, when 
Gaius Mucius, a young Roman noble, thinking it a 
shame that although the Roman People had not, in 



A.U.C. Romanum servientem cum sub regibus esset nullo 


bello nee ab hostibus ullis obsessum esse, liberum 

3 eundem populum ab iisdem Etruscis obsideri quorum 
saepe exercitus fuderit, itaque magno audacique 
aliquo facinore earn indignitatem vindicandam ratus, 
primo sua sponte penetrare in hostium castra con- 

4 stituit ; dein metuens ne, si consulum iniussu et 
ignaris omnibus iret, forte deprehensus a custodibus 
Romanis retraheretur ut transfuga, fortuna turn urbis 

5 crimen adfirmante, senatum adit. "Transire Tibe- 
rim," inquit, "patres, et intrare, si possim, castra 
hostium volo, non praedo nee populationum in vicem 
ultor : maius, si di iuvant, in animo est facinus." 
Adprobant patres. Abdito intra vestem ferro profi- 

6 ciscitur. Ubi eo venit, in confertissima turba prope 

7 regium tribunal constitit. Ibi cum stipendium mili- 
tibus forte daretur, et scriba cum rege sedens pari 
fere ornatu multa ageret eumque milites l volgo adi- 
rent, timens sciscitari liter Porsinna esset, ne igno- 
rando regem semet ipse aperiret quis esset, quo 
temere traxit fortuna facinus, scribam pro rege ob- 

8 truncat. Vadentem inde, qua per trepidam turbam 
cruento mucrone sibi ipse fecerat viam, cum concursu 
ad clamorem facto conprehensum regii satellites 
retraxissent, ante tribunal regis destitutus, turn quo- 

1 eumque milites Aid. : eumue milites R : eum nomilites 
D : eum nemilites L : eum milites fl. 


BOOK II. xn. 2-8 

the days of their servitude when they lived under B.C. 508 
kings, been blockaded in a war by any enemies, they 
should now, when free, be besieged by those same 
Etruscans whose armies they had so often routed, 
made up his mind that this indignity must be avenged 
by some great and daring deed. At first he intended 
to make his way to the enemy's camp on his own 
account. Afterwards, fearing that if he should go 
unbidden by the consuls and without anyone's know- 
ing it, he might chance to be arrested by the 
Roman sentries and brought back as a deserter a 
charge which the state of the City would confirm 
he went before the senate. "I wish," said he, "to 
cross the river, senators, and enter, if I can, the 
enemy's camp not to plunder or exact reprisals for 
their devastations : I have in mind to do a greater 
deed, if the gods grant me their help." The Fathers 
approved. Hiding a sword under his dress, he set 
out. Arrived at the camp, he took up his stand in 
the thick of the crowd near the roval tribunal. It 


happened that at that moment the soldiers were 
being paid ; a secretary who sat beside the king, 
and wore nearly the same costume, was very busy, 
and to him the soldiers for the most part addressed 
themselves. Mucius was afraid to ask which was 
Porsinna, lest his ignorance of the king's identity 
should betray his own, and following the blind 
guidance of Fortune, slew the secretary instead of 
the king. As he strode off through the frightened 
crowd, making a way for himself with his bloody 
blade, there was an outcry, and thereat the royal 
guards came running in from every side, seized him 
and dragged him back before the tribunal of the 
king. But friendless as he was, even then, when 



A.U.C. que inter tantas fortunae minas metuendus mag-is 


9 quam metuens, " Romanus sum," inquit, "civis; 
C. Mucium vocant. Hostis hostem occidere volui, 
nee ad mortem minus animi est quam fuit ad cae- 

10 dem : et facere et pati fortia Romanum est. Nee 
unus in te ego hos animos gessi ; longus post me 
ordo est idem petentium decus. Proinde in hoc dis- 
crimen, si iuvat, accingere, ut in singulas horas capite 
dimices tuo, ferrum hostemque in vestibule habeas 

11 regiae. Hoc tibi iuventus Romana indicimus bellum. 
Nullam aciem, nullum proelium timueris ; uni tibi et 

12 cum singulis res erit." Cum rex simul ira infensus 
periculoque conterritus circumdari ignes minitabun- 
dus iuberet nisi expromeret propere quas insidiarum 

13 sibi minas per ambages iaceret, " En tibi/' inquit, 
"ut sentias quam vile corpus sit iis qui magnam 
gloriam videiit/' dextramque accenso ad sacrificium 
foculo inicit. Quam cum velut alienato ab sensu 
torreret ammo, prope attonitus miraculo rex cum ab 
sede sua prosiluisset amoverique ab altaribus iuvenem 

14 iussisset, "Tu 1 vero abi," inquit, "in te magis quam 
in me hostilia ausus. luberem macte virtute esse, 
si pro mea patria ista virtus staret ; nunc iure belli 
liberum te intactum inviolatumque hinc dimitto." 

15 Tune Mucius quasi remunerans meritum " Quando 

1 tu M$- : turn n$-. 

BOOK II. xii. 8-15 

Fortune wore so menacing an aspect, yet as one B.C. 508 
more to be feared than fearing, " I am a Roman 
citizen/' he cried ; "men call me Gaius Mucius. I 
am your enemy, and as an enemy I would have slain 
you ; I can die as resolutely as I could kill : both to 
do and to endure valiantly is the Roman way. Nor 
am I the only one to carry this resolution against 
you : behind me is a long line of men who are seek- 
ing the same honour. Gird yourself therefore, if 
you think it worth your while, for a struggle in 
which you must fight for your life from hour to hour 
with an armed foe always at your door. Such is the 
war we, the Roman youths, declare on you. Fear no 
serried ranks, no battle ; it will be between yourself 
alone and a single enemy at a time." The king, at 
once hot with resentment and aghast at his danger, 
angrily ordered the prisoner to be flung into the 
flames unless he should at once divulge the plot 
with which he so obscurely threatened him. Where- 
upon Mucius, exclaiming, "Look, that you may see 
how cheap they hold their bodies whose eyes are 
fixed upon renown ! "' thrust his hand into the fire 
that was kindled for the sacrifice. When he allowed 
his hand to burn as if his spirit were unconscious 
of sensation, the king was almost beside himself 
with wonder. He bounded from his seat and bade 
them remove the young man from the altar. " Do 
you go free," he said, "who have dared to harm 
yourself more than me. I would invoke success 
upon your valour, were that valour exerted for 
my country; since that may not be, I release you 
from the penalties of war and dismiss you scath- 
less and uninjured." Then Mucius, as if to requite 
his generosity, answered, "Since you hold bravery 

2 59 


A.U.C. quidem/' inquit, "est apud te virtuti honos, ut bene- 
ficio tuleris a me quod minis nequisti : trecenti 
coniuravimus principes iuventutis Romanae, ut in te 
16 hac via grassaremur. Mea prima sors fuit ; ceteri, 
ut cuiusque l ceciderit primi, quoad te opportunum 
fortuna dederit, suo quisque tempore aderunt." 

XIII. Mucium dimissum, cui postea Scaevolae a 
clade dextrae manus cognomen inditum, legati a 

2 Porsinna Romam secuti sunt ; adeo moverat eum et 
primi periculi casus, a quo 2 nihil se praeter errorem 
insidiatoris texisset, et subeunda dimicatio totiens 
quot coniurati superessent, ut pacis condiciones ultro 

3 ferret Romanis. lactatum in condicionibus nequi- 
quam de Tarquiniis in regnum restituendis, magis 
quia id negare ipse nequiverat Tarquiniis quam quod 

4 negatum iri sibi ab Romanis ignoraret. De agro 
Veientibus restituendo impetratum, expressaque ne- 
cessitas obsides dandi Romanis, si laniculo prae- 
sidium deduci vellent. His condicionibus composita 
pace exercitum ab laniculo deduxit Porsinna et agro 

5 Romano excessit. Patres C. Mucio virtutis causa 
trans Tiberim agrum dono dedere quae postea sunt 
Mucia prata appellata. 

6 Ergo ita honorata virtute feminae quoque ad pub- 
lica decora excitatae, et Cloelia virgo, una ex obsi- 

1 ut cuiusque Madvig : utcumque fl. 

2 a quo Neumann : quo fl. 

1 i.e. "Left-handed." 

BOOK II. xn. 15 -xin. 6 

in honour, my gratitude shall afford you the infor- B.C. 508 
mation your threats could not extort : we are three 
hundred, the foremost youths of Rome, who have 
conspired to assail you in this fashion. I drew the 
first lot; the others, in whatever order it falls to 
them, will attack you, each at his own time, until 
Fortune shall have delivered you into our hands." 

XIII. The release of Mucius, who was afterwards 
known as Scaevola, 1 from the loss of his right hand, 
was followed by the arrival in Rome of envoys from 
Porsinna. The king had been so disturbed, what 
with the hazard of the first attack upon his life, 
from which nothing but the blunder of his assailant 
had preserved him, and what with the anticipation 
of having to undergo the danger as many times more 
as there were conspirators remaining, that he volun- 
tarily proposed terms of peace to the Romans. In 
these terms Porsinna suggested, but without effect, 
that the Tarquinii should be restored to power, more 
because he had been unable to refuse the princes 
this demand upon their behalf than that he was 
ignorant that the Romans would refuse it. In ob- 
taining the return of their lands to the Veientes 
he was successful ; and the Romans were compelled 
to give hostages if they wished the garrison to be 
withdrawn from Janiculum. On these terms peace 
was made, and Porsinna led his army down from 
Janiculum and evacuated the Roman territory. The 
Fathers bestowed on Gaius Mucius, for his bravery, 
a field across the Tiber, which was later known as 
the Mucian Meadows. 

Now when courage had been thus distinguished, 
even the women were inspired to deeds of patriotism. 
Thus the maiden Cloelia, one of the hostages, eluded 



A.U.C, dibus, cum castra Etruscorum forte baud procul ripa 


Tiberis locata essent, frustrata custodes, dux agminis 
virginum inter tela hostium Tiberim tranavit sospi- 

7 tesque omnes Romam ad propinquos restituit. Quod 
ubi regi nuntiatum est, primo incensus ira oratores 
Romam misit ad Cloeliam obsidem deposcendam : 

8 alias baud magni facere ; deinde in admirationem 
versus supra Coclites Muciosque dicere id facinus 
esse, et prae se ferre quemadmodum, si non de- 
datur obses, pro rupto foedus se habiturum, sic dedi- 
tam intactam inviolatamque l ad suos remissurum. 

9 Utrimque constitit fides: et Romani pignus pacis ex 
foedere restituerimt, et apud regem Etruscum non 
tuta solum sed honorata etiam virtus fuit, laudatam- 
que virginem parte obsidum se donare dixit ; ipsa 

10 quos vellet legeret. Productis omnibus elegisse im- 
pubes dicitur, quod et virginitati decorum et con- 
sensu obsidum ipsorum probabile erat earn aetatem 
potissimum liberari ab hoste quae maxime opportuna 

11 iniuriae esset. Pace redintegrata Romani novam in 
femina virtutem novo genere honoris, statua equestri, 
donavere : in summa Sacra via fuit posita 2 virgo insi- 
dens equo. 

XIV. Huic tarn pacatae profectioni ab urbe regis 
Etrusci abhorrens mos traditus ab antiquis usque ad 

1 intactam inviolatamque Frobenius : inuiolatamque n. 

2 fuit posita n : posita Novak, Weisseiiburn-M tiller. 


BOOK II. xiii. 6-xiv. i 

the sentinels, when it chanced that the Etruscans had B.C. 508 
encamped not far from the bank of the Tiber, and 
heading a band of girls swam the river and, under a 
rain of hostile darts, brought them all back in safety 
to their kinsmen in Rome. When this had been 
reported to the king, he was at first enraged and sent 
emissaries to Rome to demand that the hostage 


Cloelia be given up, for he made no great account of 
the others. Then, admiration getting the better of 
anger, he asserted that her feat was a greater one 
than those of Codes and Mucius, and declared that 
although in case the hostage was not returned he 
should regard the treaty as broken, yet if she were 
restored to him he would send her back safe and 
inviolate to her friends. Both parties kept their 
word. The Romans returned the pledge of peace, as 
the treaty required; and the Etruscan king not only 
protected the brave girl but even honoured her, for 
after praising her heroism he said that he would 
present her with half the hostages, and that she 
herself should choose the ones she wished. When 
they had all been brought out it is said that she 
selected the young boys, because it was not only 
more seemly in a maiden, but was unanimously ap- 
proved by the hostages themselves, that in delivering 
them from the enemy she should give the preference 
to those who were of an age which particularly 
exposed them to injury. When peace had been estab- 
lished the Romans rewarded this new valour in a 
woman with a new kind of honour, an equestrian 
statue, which was set up on the summit of the Sacred 
Way, and represented the maiden seated on a horse. 
XIV. This peaceful departure of the Etruscan 
king from Rome is inconsistent with the custom 
handed down from antiquity even to our own age, 



A.U.C. nostram aetatem inter cetera sollemnia manet, bona 


2 Porsinnae regis vendendi. Cuius originem moris 
necesse est aut inter bellum natam esse neque omis- 
sam in pace, aut a mitiore crevisse principio quam 

hie prae se ferat titulus bona hostiliter vendendi. 

3 Proximum vero est ex iis quae traduntur Porsinnam 
discedentem ab laniculo castra opulenta convecto ex 
propinquis ac fertilibus Etruriae arvis commeatu 
Romanis dono dedisse, inopi turn urbe ab longinqua 

4 obsidione ; ea deinde, ne populo immisso diriperen- 
tur hostiliter, venisse, bonaque Porsinnae appellata, 
gratiam muneris magis significante titulo quam 
auctionem fortunae regiae quae ne in potestate qui- 
dem populi Romani esset. 

5 Omisso Romano bello Porsinna, ne frustra in ea 
loca exercitus adductus videretur, cum parte copi- 
arum filium Arruntem Ariciam oppugnatum mittit. 

6 Primo Aricinos res necopinata perculerat ; arcessita 
deinde auxilia et a Latinis populis et a Cumis tantum 
spei fecere ut acie decernere auderent. Proelio inito 
adeo concitato impetu se intulerant Etrusci ut fun- 

7 derent ipso incursu Aricinos; Cumanae cohortes arte 
adversus vim usae declinavere paululum, effuseque 
praelatos hostes conversis signis ab tergo adortae 


BOOK II. xiv. 1-7 

among other formalities observed at sales of booty, B.C. 50i 
of proclaiming "the goods of King Porsinna." Such 
a practice must either have arisen during the war and 
have been retained when peace was made, or else 
have had its origin in some kindlier circumstance 
than would be suggested by the notice that an 
enemy's goods were to be sold. The most credible 
of the traditional explanations is that when Porsinna 
retired from Janiculum he handed over his camp, 
well stocked with provisions brought in from the 
neighbouring fertile fields of Etruria, as a gift to 
the Romans, who were then in a destitute condition 
after the long siege. These supplies were then soldj 
lest, if people were given a free hand, they might 
plunder the camp like an enemy ; and they were 
called the goods of Porsinna rather by way of im- 
plying thankfulness for the gift than an auction of 
the king's property, which was not even in the 
possession of the Roman People. 

On relinquishing his campaign against the Romans, 
Porsinna was unwilling that he should appear to have 
led his army into that region to no purpose, and ac- 
cordingly sent a part of his forces, under his son 
Arruns, to besiege Aricia. At first the Aricini were 
paralysed with surprise. Afterwards the auxiliaries 
whom they called in from the Latin peoples, and 
also from Cumae, so encouraged them that they 
ventured to measure their strength with the enemy 
in the open field. When the battle began, the attack 
of the Etruscans was so impetuous that they routed 
the Aricini at the first charge. The Cumaean levies, 
employing skill to meet force, swerved a little to 
one side, and when the enemy had swept by them, 
faced about and attacked them in the rear, with the 



A.n.c. sunt. Ita in medio prone iam victores caesi Etrusci. 


8 Pars perexigua duce amisso, quia nullum propius 
perfugium erat, Romam inermes et fortuna et specie 
supplicum delati sunt. Ibi benigne excepti divisique 

9 in hospitia. Curatis volneribus alii profecti domos, 
nuntii hospitalium beneficiorum ; multos Romae hos- 
pitum urbisque caritas tenuit. His locus ad habi- 
tandum datus quern deinde Tuscum vicum appella- 

A.U.C. XV. Sp. Larcius inde et T. Herminius, P. Lucretius 


inde et 1 P. Valerius Publicola consules facti. Eo 
anno postremum legati a Porsinna de reducendo in 
regnum Tarquinio venerunt. Quibus cum responsum 
esset missurum ad regem senatum legates, missi con- 
2 festim honoratissimus quisque e patribus : non quin 
breviter reddi responsum potuerit non recipi reges, 
ideo potius delectos patrum ad eum missos quam 
legatis eius Romae daretur responsum, sed ut in per- 
petuum mentio eius rei finiretur, neu in tantis mu- 
tuis beneficiis in vicem animi sollicitarentur, cum ille 
peteret quod contra libertatem populi Romani esset, 

1 Sp. Larcius inde et T. Herminius, P. Lucretius inde et 
Madvig : the. name Larcius is not in the MSS. ; his praenomen 
is added to that of Lucretius or put in its place; T. Herminius 
is missing in the best MSS. ; Dion. Hal. v. 36, and Cassiodorius 
give only the names of Sp. Larcius and T. Hermenius, and 
Mommsen (C.I.L. i 2 . p. 99) therefore, deletes the others. See 
note in Comuay and Walters. 


BOOK II. xiv. 7-xv. 2 

result that the Etruscans, caught between two lines, B.C. 508 
almost in the moment of victory, were cut to pieces. 
A very small number of them, having lost their leader 
and finding no nearer refuge, drifted to Rome, un- 
armed and with all the helplessness and the dejected 
aspect of suppliants. There they were kindly re- 
ceived and were quartered about among the citizens. 
When their wounds had healed, some departed for 
their homes to report the hospitality and kindness 
they had met with, but many were persuaded to 
remain in Rome by the affection they felt for their 
hosts and for the City. To these a place of resi- 
dence was allotted which was afterwards called the 
Vicus Tuscus. 

XV. Spurius Larcius and Titus Herminius were the B.C. 
next consuls, and after them came Publius Lucretius 
and Publius Valerius Publicola. In the latter year an 
embassy was sent to Rome for the last time by Por- 
sinna to negotiate for the restoration of Tarquinius 
to power. To these envoys the senate replied that 
they would send representatives to the king, and 
they forthwith dispatched those of the Fathers who 
were held in the highest esteem. It would not have 
been impossible, they said, to reply shortly that the 
royal family would not be received. It was not for 
that reason that they had preferred to send chosen 
members of the senate to him rather than to give 
their answer to his ambassadors in Rome. But they 
had desired that for all time discussion of that ques- 
tion might be ended, and that where there were 
so great obligations on both sides there might not 
be mutual irritation, from the king's seeking that 
which was incompatible with the liberty of the Roman 
people, while the Romans, unless they were willing 



A.n.c. Romani, nisi in perniciem suam faciles esse vellent, 

247-248 ,, XT 

3 negarent, cui nihil negatum vellent. Non in regno 
populum Romanum sed in libertate esse. Ita in- 
duxisse in animum, hostibus potius quam regibus 
portas patefacere ; ea esse vota l omnium ut qui 

4 libertati erit in ilia urbe finis, idem urbi sit. Pro- 
inde si salvam esse vellet Romam, ut patiatur libe- 

5 ram esse orare. Rex verecundia victus " Quando id 
certum atque obstinatum est," inquit, "neque ego 
obtundam saepius eadem nequiquam agendo, nee 
Tarquinios spe auxilii, quod nullum in me est, frus- 
trabor. Alium hinc, seu bello opus est seu quiete, 
exilio quaerant locum, ne quid meam vobiscum pacem 

6 distineat." Dictis facta amiciora adiecit : obsidum 
quod reliquum erat reddidit, agrum Veientem foe- 

7 dere ad laniculum icto ademptum restituit. Tar- 
quinius spe omni reditus incisa exsulatum ad 
generum Mamilium Octavium Tusculum abiit. 
Romanis pax fida 2 cum Porsinna fuit. 

A.U.C. XVI. Consules M. Valerius P. Postumius. Eo 

anno bene pugnatum cum Sabinis ; consules trium- 

2 pharunt. Maiore inde mole Sabini bellum parabant. 

Adversus eos et ne quid simul ab Tusculo, unde etsi 

non apertum, suspectum tamen bellum erat, repentini 

1 ea esse vota Hertz ; earn ea esse vota esse voluntatem 
P : earn esse voluntatem n. 

2 fida Madvig : fida ita n. 


BOOK II. xv. 2-xvi. 2 

to sacrifice their existence to their good nature, denied B.C. 
the request of a man whom they would not will- 507 - 506 
ingly have denied anything. The Roman people 
were not living under a monarchy, but were free. 
They had resolved to throw open their gates 
to enemies sooner than to kings ; in this prayer 
they were all united, that the day which saw 
the end of liberty in their City might also see 
the City's end. They therefore entreated him, if he 
desired the welfare of Rome, to permit her to be 
free. The king, yielding to his better feelings, made 
answer: "Since this is your fixed resolve, I will 
neither importune you with repeated insistence upon 
a hopeless plea, nor will I deceive the Tarquinii with 
the hope of aid which it is not in my power to grant. 
Let them seek elsewhere, whether war or peace be 
their object, for a place of exile, that nothing may 
hinder my being at peace with you." His words 
were followed by yet more friendly deeds. The 
hostages remaining in his hands he returned, and 
he gave back the Veientine land which he had taken 
from the Romans by the treaty made on Janiculum. 
Tarquinius, cut off from all hope of returning, de- 
parted for Tusculum, to spend his exile in the home 
of his son-in-law, Mamilius Octavius. The Romans 
enjoyed an unbroken peace with Porsinna. 

XVI. The consulship of Marcus Valerius and Pub- B .c. 
lius Postumius. This year a successful war was waged 505 - 503 
against the Sabines, and the consuls triumphed. More 
elaborate preparations for war were then made by 
the Sabines. To confront them, and to prevent any 
sudden peril arising from Tusculum, in which quarter 
hostility, though not openly avowed, was none the 



A.n.c. periculi oreretur, P. Valerius quartum T. Lucretius 

3 iterum consules facti. Seditio inter belli pacisque 
auctores orta in Sabinis aliquantum inde virium 

4 transtulit ad Romanos. Namque Attius Clausus, 
cui postea Appio Claudio fuit Romae nomen, cum 
pacis ipse auctor a turbatoribus belli premeretur nee 
par factioni esset, ab Inregillo, 1 magna clientium 

5 comitatus manu, Roinam transfugit. His civitas data 
agerque trans Anienem ; vetus Claudia tribus additis 
postea novis tribulibus qui ex eo venirent agro appel- 
lati. 2 Appius inter patres lectus baud ita multo post 

6 in principum dignationem pervenit. Consules in- 
festo exercitu in agrum Sabinum profecti cum ita 
vastatione, dein proelio adflixissent opes hostium ut 
diu nibil inde rebellionis timeri posset, 3 triumphantes 

7 Romam redierunt. P. Valerius, omnium consensu 
princeps belli pacisque artibus, anno post Agrippa 
Menenio P. Postumio consulibus moritur, gloria in- 
genti, copiis familiaribus adeo exiguis ut funeri 
sumptus deesset ; de publico est datus. Luxere 

8 matronae ut Brutum. Eodem anno duae coloniae 
Latinae, Pometia et Cora, ad Auruncos deficiunt. 

1 Inregillo Weixseriborn (cf. Mommsen, C.I.L. i 1 . 444) : cifi 
regillo M : en rigilio M*PFUO : nc rigillo B : c rigillo DL : 
grigillo H : gillo R : Cn. Regillo j-. 

a appellati Madvig : appellata fl. 

3 timeri posset Duktr : tiinere possent H. 

1 B} 7 241 B.C. the number of tribes had grown to thirty-five. 
After this date no new tribes were added, but newly incor- 
porated districts were assigned to one or another of the 
already existing tribes. Thus certain members of the 


BOOK II. xvi. 2-8 

less suspected, Publius Valerius was made consul for *.n. 
the fourth time and Titus Lucretius for the second. 505 - 503 
A schism which occurred between the advocates of 
war and those of peace amongst the Sabines resulted 
in the transfer of some part of their strength to the 
Romans. For Attius Clausus, afterwards known at 
Rome as Appius Claudius, himself a champion of 
peace, was hard bested by the turbulent war-party, 
and finding himself no match for them, left Inregillus, 
with a large band of clients, and fled to Rome. These 
people were made citizens and given land across the 
Anio. The "Old Claudian Tribe" was the name used 
later, when new tribesmen had been added, to desig- 
nate those who came from this territory. 1 Appius, 
having been enrolled in the senate, came in a short 
time to be regarded as one of its leading members. 
The consuls led an army into the country of the 
Sabines, and by wasting their fields, and afterwards 
by a battle, so crushed the enemy's strength that 
there could be no fear for a long time of any out- 
break of hostilities in that region. They then re- 
turned to Rome and triumphed. Publius Valerius, 
universally regarded as the foremost citizen, both in 
military and in civil qualities, died in the following 
year, when Agrippa Menenius and Publius Postumius 
were consuls. He was a man of extraordinary repu- 
tation, but so poor that money was wanting for his 
burial, and it was furnished from the treasury of the 
state. He was mourned by the matrons as Brutus 
had been. In the same year two Latin colonies, 
Pometia and Cora, revolted to the Aurunci. The 

Claudian Tribe lived elsewhere than in the district "across 
the Anio," and those who came to Rome for elections from 
the original seat of the tribe were called the " Old Claudian 
Tribe." See note in Con way's edition of this Book. 



.TT.C. Cum Auruncis bellum initum, fusoque ingenti exer- 
citu, qui se ingredientibus fines consulibus ferociter 
obtulerat, omne Auruncum bellum Pometiam com- 
9 pulsum est. Nee magis post proelium quam in proe- 
lio caedibus temperatum est ; et caesi aliquanto 
plures erant quam capti, et captos passim trucida- 
verunt ; ne ab obsidibus quidem, qui trecenti accepti 
numero erant, ira belli abstinuit. Et hoc anno 
Romae triumphatum. 

A.P.C. XVII. Secuti consules Opiter Verginius Sp. Cassius 

Pometiam primo vi, deinde vineis aliisque operibus 

2 oppugnarunt. In quos Aurunci, magis iam inexpia- 
bili odio quam spe aliqua aut occasione coorti, cum 
plures igni quam ferro armati excucurrissent, caede 

3 incendioque cuncta complent. Vineis incensis, multis 
hostium volneratis et occisis, consulum quoque alte- 
rum sed utrum 1 auctores non adiciunt gravi vol- 

4 nere ex equo deiectum prope interfecerunt. Romam 
inde male gesta re reditum. Inter multos saucios 
consul spe incerta vitae relatus. 2 Interiecto deinde 
baud magno spatio quod volneribus curandis sup- 
plendoque exercitui satis esset, cum ira maiore 3 turn 

5 viribus etiam auctis Pometiae arma inlata. Et cum 
vineis refectis aliaque mole belli iam in eo esset ut 

1 sed utrum Hertz : sed verum nomen XI : verum nomen 
A Ischefski. 2 relatus Duker : relictus fl. 

3 ira maiore $- : ira niaiore bellum n. 

1 Livy has nowhere told us about these hostages. In 
chap. xxii. 2 the same towns give the samo number of 
hostages. Obviously he has made distinct episodes out of 


BOOK II. xvi. 8-xvn. 5 

Aurunci were the first to be attacked. Upon the B.C. 
defeat of the great army which had boldly issued 505 - 503 
forth to meet the invasion of their territory by the 
consuls, the whole weight of the Auruncan war fell 
upon Pometia. After the battle, as well as during 
its progress, no quarter was given. The slain had 
somewhat outnumbered the prisoners, and the pri- 
soners were indiscriminately slaughtered. Even the 
hostages, of whom three hundred had been received, 
were not spared in the rage of war. 1 This year also 
a triumph was celebrated at Rome. 

XVII. The consuls of the next year, Opiter Ver- B .c. 502 
ginius and Spurius Cassius, attempted to capture 
Pometia, first by assault and then by the use of 
mantlets and other engines. Against their besiegers 
the Aurunci, rather of an implacable hatred than for 
any hope or opportunity offered, rushed out, armed 
with firebrands for the most part, instead of swords, 
and carried death and flames in all directions. The 
mantlets were burned, many of their enemies were 
wounded or slain, and one of the consuls which 
one the historians do not add was seriously wounded, 
thrown from his horse, and almost killed. The Romans 
then marched home, defeated. Amongst the many 
wounded they brought the consul, hovering betwixt 
life and death. When a short time had elapsed, long 
enough for healing wounds and recruiting the army, 
they returned, with heightened resentment and also 
with augmented forces, to the attack of Pometia. 
They had repaired their mantlets and the rest of 
their equipment, and they were already upon the 

different versions of the same story, misled no doubt by the 
different dates assigned by different annalists to the affair of 

2 73 


A.U.C. 6 in muros evaderet miles, deditio est facta. Ceterum 


nihilo ininus foeda dedita urbe quam si capta foret 

Aunmci passi : l principes securi percussi, sub corona 

venierunt coloni alii ; oppidum dirutunr, ager veniit. 

7 Consul es magis ob iras graviter ultas quam ob magni- 

tudinem perfecti belli triumpharunt. 
A.IT.C. XVIII. Insequens annus Postumum Cominium et 


2 T. Largiuin 2 consules habuit. Eo anno Romae, cum 
per ludos ab Sabinorum iuventute per lasciviam 
scorta raperentur, concursu hominum rixa ac prope 
proelium fuit, parvaque ex re 3 ad rebellionem spec- 

3 tare videbatur. Super 4 belli Sabini 5 metum id quo- 
que accesserat, quod triginta iam coniurasse populos 

4 concitante Octavio Mamilio satis constabat. In hac 
tantarum exspectatione rerum sollicita civitate dicta- 
toris primum creandi mentio orta. Sed nee quo 
anno, nee quibus consulibus, quia ex factione Tar- 
quiniana essent id quoque enim traditur paruin 
creditum sit, nee quis primum dictator creatus sit, 

5 satis constat. Apud veterrimos tamen auctores 
T. Largium 6 dicta torem primum, Sp. Cassium magis- 

1 foeda . . . passi Madvig : foede . . . passim n. 

2 Largium n : Larcium Madvig (with Dion. Hal. v. 1. 1) 
from chap. xxi. 1. Bui Caasiodorius gives Largua, and it is 
safer (with Conway and Walters) to follow the. MSS. where, as 
here, they agree. 

3 ex re Gronov.: ex re res (or ex re ... spectare res) fl. 

4 super Dtiker : supra H. 

5 Sabini R*- : Latini n : Conway and Walters bracket 
supra . . . metum as a marginal summary. 

6 Largium II : Larcium U$- (so in 6, below). 


BOOK II. xvn. 5-xvm. 5 

point of sending their men against the walls when B.C. 502 
the town capitulated. But the fate of the Aurunci 
was no less awful from their having surrendered their 
city than if it had been stormed. Their chief men 
were beheaded, and the rest of the colonists were 
sold as slaves. 1 The town was razed ; its land was 
sold. The consuls obtained a triumph, more because 
they had heavily avenged Rome's wrongs than be- 
cause of the magnitude of the war which they had 
successfully concluded. 

XVIII. The year after had as its consuls Postumius B.C. 501 
Cominius and Titus Largius. In this year, during 
the celebration of the games at Rome, the Sabine 
youths, in a spirit of wantonness, forcibly abducted 
certain harlots. Men gathered hastily and there was 
a brawl which was almost a battle, and, trifling as its 
origin was, it seemed to threaten a fresh outbreak 
of the war. 2 Besides the Sabine peril, it was gener- 
ally known that the thirty Latin cities had already 
conspired, at the instigation of Octavius Mamilius. 
These grave apprehensions having occasioned a 
general anxiety, the appointment of a dictator was 
suggested, for the first time. But there is no general 
agreement as to the year, or which consuls were 
distrusted as being of the Tarquinian faction for 
this is included in the tradition or who it was that 
was first named dictator. In the oldest writers, how- 
ever, I find it said that Titus Largius was the first 
to be made dictator, and that Spurius Cassius was 

1 Literally "under the crown," meaning a chaplet placed 
on the head of a captive as an indication that he was a part 
of the spoils. 

1 Despite the apparently conclusive victory recorded in 
chap. xvi. 6. 



A.C.C. trum equitum creates invenio. Consulares legere ; 

6 ita lex iubebat de dictatore creando lata. Eo magis 
adducor ut credam Largium, qui consularis erat, 
potius quam M'. Valerium l Marci filium 2 Volesi ne- 
potem, qui nondum consul fuerat, moderatorem et 

7 magistrum consulibus appositnm ; quin, 3 si maxime 
ex ea familia legi dictatorem vellent, patrem multo 
potius M. Valerium spectatae virtutis et consularem 
virum legissent. 

8 Creato dictatore primum Romae, postquam prae- 
ferri secures viderunt, magnus plebem metus in- 
cessit, ut intentiores essent ad dicto parendum. 
Neque enim, ut in consulibus qui pari potestate 
essent, alterius auxilium, neque provocatio erat neque 

9 ullum usquam nisi in cura parendi auxilium. Sabinis 
etiam creatus Romae dictator, eo magis quod propter 

10 se creatum crediderant, metum incussit. Itaque 
legates de pace mittunt. Quibus orantibus dicta- 
torem senatumque ut veniam erroris hominibus 
adulescentibus darent, responsum, ignosci adulescen- 
tibus posse, senibus non posse, qui bella ex bellis 

11 sererent. Actum tamen est de pace, impetrataque 
foret, si, quod impensae factum in bellum erat, prae- 
stare Sabini id enim postulatum erat in animum 
induxissent. Bellum indictum : tacitae indutiae 
quietum annum tenuere. 

1 M'. Valerium Gruter : M. Valerium n. 

2 Marci filium Rhenanus : marci fufium (or the like) fi. 

3 quin Lihnert : qui (quis P) n. 

1 But in 300 B.C. a lex Valeria de provocations gave the 
people the right to appeal from the dictator. 


BOOK II. xvin. 5-1 1 

master of the horse. They chose men of consular B.C. 501 
rank, for so the law prescribed which had been passed 
to regulate the selection of a dictator. I am there- 
fore the more disposed to believe that Largius, a 
consular, rather than Manius Valerius, the son of 
Marcus and grandson of Volesus, a man who had 
not yet held the consulship, was assigned to be the 
director and superior of consuls ; and indeed if men 
had been specially desirous of choosing the dictator 
from that family, they would much sooner have 
selected Marcus Valerius the father, a man of proven 
worth and an ex-consul. 

When they had named a dictator for the first time 
at Rome, and men saw the axes borne before him, a 
great fear came over the plebs and caused them to 
be more zealous in obeying orders. For there was 
no recourse in this case, as with the consuls, who 
shared the powers of their office equally, to the as- 
sistance of the man's colleague, nor was there any 
appeal nor any help anywhere but in scrupulous 
obedience. 1 The Sabines, too, were inspired with 
fear by the appointment of the dictator, especially 
since they believed that it was on their account that 
he had been created. Accordingly they sent legates 
to treat for peace. When they requested the dic- 
tator and the senate to pardon an error committed 
by young men, the answer was given that to pardon 
young men was possible, but not old men who con- 
trived one war after another. Nevertheless negotia- 
tions for peace were begun, and it would have been 
granted to the Sabines, could they have made up 
their minds to guarantee, as the Romans demanded, 
the sum which had been expended for the war. 
Hostilities were declared, but a tacit truce preserved 

a state of peace through the year. 



A.H.C. XIX. Consules Ser. 1 Sulpicius M'. Tullius; 2 nihil 

dignum memoria actum. T. Aebutius deinde et 

2 C. Vetusius. His consulibus Fidenae obsessae, Crus- 
tumeria capta, Praeneste ab Latinis ad Romanes 
descivit. Nee ultra bellum Latinum gliscens iam 

3 per aliquot annos dilatum. A. Postumius 3 dictator 
T. Aebutius magister equitum magnis copiis peditum 
equitumque profecti ad lacum Regillum in agro Tus- 

4 culano agmini hostium occurrerunt, et, quia Tar- 
quinios esse in exercitu Latinorum auditum est, 
sustineri ira non potuit quin extemplo confligerent. 

6 Ergo etiam proelium aliquanto quam cetera gravius 
atque atrocius fuit. Non enim duces ad regendam 
modo consilio rem adfuere, sed suismet ipsi 4 cor- 
poribus dimicantes miscuere certamina, nee quis- 
quam procerum ferme hac aut ilia ex acie sine 

G volnere praeter dictatorem Romanum excessit. In 
Postumium prima in acie suos adhortantem instruen- 
temque Tarquinius Superbus, quamquam iam aetate 
et viribus erat gravior, equum infestus admisit, ictus- 
que ab latere concursu suorum receptus in tutum 

7 est. Et ad alterum cornu Aebutius magister equi- 
tum in Octavium Mamilium impetum dederat, nee 

1 Ser. Sigoniu* (from Cic. Brut. 62, cf. Casaiod. C.I.L. i 2 . 
p. 99) : Servilius n (Dion. Hal. v. lii. 1). 

2 M'. Tullius Sigonius (Dion. Hal. I.e.) : ra manlius tullus 
(or the. like) Cl. 

3 A. Postumius Sabellicus (Dion. Hal. VI. ii. 1) : aurelius 
postumius n. 4 ipsi Gronov.: ipsis fi. 


BOOK II. xix. 1-7 

XIX. In the consulship of Servius Sulpicius and B.C. 
Manius Tullius nothing worthy of note occurred. 60 - 499 
They were succeeded by Titus Aebutius and Gaius 
Vetusius. During their year of office Fidenae was 
besieged, Crustumeria taken ; Praeneste went over 
from the Latins to the Romans, and it was no longer 
possible to postpone the Latin war, which had now 
been smouldering for several years. Aulus Postu- 
mius as dictator/ and Titus Aebutius as master of 
the horse, set out with large forces of infantry and 
cavalry, and at Lake Regillus, in the territory of 
Tusculum, met the enemy's advancing column. The 
Romans had learned that the Tarquinii were with 
the Latin army, and were so enraged that they could 
not be withheld from instantly attacking, and the 
battle itself, in consequence of this report, was fought 
with a good deal more determination and bitterness 
than any other had been. For the leaders were not 
only in the field to direct the engagement with their 
strategy, but joined battle and fought in their own 
persons. Almost none of the nobles on either side 
came off unscathed, except the Roman dictator. 
Postumius was in the front rank encouraging his 
men and forming them, when Tarquinius Superbus, 
though now burdened with years and broken in 
strength, rode full-tilt against him. But the old 
man received a thrust in the side, and his followers 
rushed in and rescued him. Similarly on the other 
wing, Aebutius, the master of the horse, charged 
Octavius Mamilius. But the Tusculan commander 

1 Postumius had not held the consulship, which in chap, 
xviii. 5 Livy stated to have been a necessary qualification for 
the dictatorship. 



A.U.C. fefellit veniens Tusculanum dueem, contra quern 1 et 

25 1-255 

8 ille concitat equum. Tantaque vis infestis venien- 
tium hastis fuit, ut bracchium Aebutio traiectum sit, 

9 Mamilio pectus percussum. Hunc quidem in secun- 
dam aciem Latini recepere : Aebutius cum saucio 
bracchio tenere telum non posset, pugna excessit. 

10 Latinus dux nihil deterritus volnere proelium ciet 
et, quia suos perculsos videbat, arcessit cohortem 
exsulum Romanorum, cui L. Tarquini films prae- 
erat. Ea, quo 2 maiore pugnabat ira ob erepta bona 
patriamque ademptam, pugnam parumper restituit. 

XX. Referentibus iani pedem ab ea parte Romanis 
M. Valerius Publicolae f rater conspicatus ferocem 
iuvenem Tarquinium ostentanteni se in prima exsu- 
lum acie, domestica etiam gloria accensus, ut cuius 

2 familiae decus eiecti reges erant, eiusdem interfecti 
forent, subdit calcaria equo et Tarquinium infesto 

3 spiculo petit. Tarquinius retro in agmen suorum 
infenso cessit hosti. Valerium temere invectum in 
exsulum aciem ex transverse quidam adortus trans- 
figit, nee quicquam equitis volnere equo retardato 
moribundus Romanus labentibus super corpus armis 

4 ad terrain defluxit. Dictator Postumius postquam 
cecidisse talem virum, exsules ferociter citato agmine 

5 invehi, suos perculsos cedere animadvertit, cohorti 

1 contra quem H : contraque Madvig. 

* Ea, quo MPRD : ea quo HL : ea quoniam : eo quo 
P*FUB : eoque M*. 

1 Of the sons of Tarquinius, Sextus's death is mentioned 
in I. Ix. 2 and that of Arruns in u. vi. 9. This must there- 
lore have been Titus (i. Ivi. 6). 


BOOK II. xix. 7-xx. 5 

saw him coming, and he too spurred his horse to 
the encounter; and so great was the force in their 
levelled lances as they met, that the arm of Aebutius 
was transfixed, while Mamilius was struck in the 
breast. Mamilius was received by the Latins within 
their second line : Aebutius, being unable to manage 
a weapon with his wounded arm, retired from the 
battle. The Latin leader, not a jot discouraged 
by his wound, urged on the fighting, and, because 
he saw that his men were in retreat, called up a 
cohort of Roman exiles, commanded by a son of 
Lucius Tarquinius, 1 and these, fighting with greater 
fury on account of the loss of their property and 
native land, restored the battle for a while. 

XX. When the Romans were now beginning to 
give way in that part of the field, Marcus Valerius, 
Publicola's brother, espied the young Tarquinius, 
who was boldly inviting attack in the front rank 
of the exiles. Valerius found in his brother's glory 
an additional incentive, and resolving that the family 
which had the honour of expelling the tyrants 
should also gain the credit for their death, he dug 
his spurs into his charger and rode at Tarquinius 
with levelled spear. Tarquinius drew back within 
the company of his followers to avoid his desperate 
antagonist. Valerius was plunging blindly into the 
exiles' line when one of them attacked him in the 
flank and ran him through the body. But the rider's 
wound did not check the career of his horse, and 
the dying Roman came down in a heap upon the 
ground with his arms upon him. When the dictator 
Postumius perceived that so brave a soldier had fallen, 
that the exiles were advancing boldly at the double, 
and that his troops were checked and were giving 



A.D.C. suae, quam delectam manum praesidii causa circa se 


habebat, dat signum ut quern suorum fugientem 
viderint pro hoste habeant. Ita metu ancipiti versi 

6 a fuga Roman! in hostem et restituta acies. Conors 
dictatoris turn prirnum proelium iniit ; integris cor- 

7 poribus animisque fessos adorti exsules caedunt. Ibi 
alia inter proceres coorta pugna. Imperator Latinus 
ubi cohortem exsulum a dictatore Romano prope cir- 
cumventam vidit, ex subsidiariis manipulos aliquot in 

8 primam aciem secum rapit. Hos agmine venientes 
T. Herminius legatus conspicatus interque eos insig- 
nem veste armisque Mamilium noscitans tanto vi 
maiore quam paulo ante magister equitum cum hos- 

9 tium duce proelium iniit, ut et uno ictu transfixum 
per latus Occident Mamilium et ipse inter spolian- 
dum corpus hostis veruto percussus, cum victor in 
castra esset relatus, inter primam curationem exspi- 

10 raverit. Turn ad equites dictator advolat obtestans 
ut fesso iam pedite descendant ex equis et pugnam 
capessant. Dicto paruere: desiliunt ex equis, pro- 
volant in primum et pro antesignanis parmas obi- 

11 ciunt. Recipit extemplo animum pedestris acies, 
postquam iuventutis proceres aequato genere pugnae 
secum partem periculi sustinentes vidit. Turn de- 

BOOK II. xx. 5-n 

ground, he issued orders to his own cohort, a picked B.C. 
body of men which he kept about his person as a 
guard, that if they saw any Roman running away 
they should treat him as an enemy. Being thus 
between two dangers, the Romans faced about to 
meet the foe, and the battle-line w r as formed again. 
The cohort of the dictator then entered the engage- 
ment for the first time. With fresh strength and 
spirit they attacked the weary exiles and cut them 
to pieces. Then began another combat between 
leaders. The Latin general, perceiving that the 
cohort of the exiles \vas nearly cut off by the Roman 
dictator, took a few companies of his reserves and 
hurried them to the front. As they came marching 
up, Titus Herminius, the lieutenant, caught sight of 
them, and in their midst, conspicuous in dress and 
accoutrements, he saw and recognized Mamilius. 
Whereupon he hurled himself upon the enemy's 
commander with so much more violence than the 
master of the horse had done a little before, that 
not only did he pierce Mamilius through the side 
and slay him with a single lunge, but in the act of 
stripping the body of his antagonist he was himself 
struck by a hostile javelin, and after being borne off 
in the moment of victory to the Roman camp, ex- 
pired just as they began to dress his wound. The 
dictator then dashed up to the knights and be- 
sought them, since the foot-soldiers were exhausted, 
to dismount and enter the fight. They obeyed : 
they leaped down from their horses, hastened to 
the front, and covered the front-rankers with their 
shields. It restored at once the courage of the foot 
to see the young nobles on even terms with them- 
selves and sharing in the danger. Then at last the 



A.U.C. mum impulsi Latini, perculsaque inclinavit aeies. 


12 Equiti admoti equi ut persequi hostem posset ; 
secuta et pedestris acies. Ibi nihil nee divinae nee 
humanae opis dictator praetermittens aedem Castori 
vovisse fertur ac pronuntiasse militi praemia qui 

13 primus, qui secundus castra hostium intrasset ; tan- 
tusque ardor fuit ut eodem impetu quo fuderant 
hostem Romani castra caperent. Hoc modo ad 
lacum Regillum pugnatum est. Dictator et magis- 
ter equitum triumphantes in urbem rediere. 

A.U.C. XXI. Triennio deinde nee certa pax nee bellum 


fuit. Consules Q. Cloelius et T. Larcius, 1 inde 

2 A. Sempronius et M. Minucius. His consulibus aedis 
Saturno dedicata, Saturnalia institutus festus dies. 

3 A. deinde Postumius et T. Verginius consules facti. 
Hoc demum anno ad Regillum lacum pugnatum 
apud quosdam invenio ; A. Postumium, quia collega 
dubiae fidei fuerit, se consulatu abdicasse ; dictato- 

4 rem inde factum. Taiiti errores implicant temporum 
aliter apud alios ordinatis magistratibus ut nee qui 
consules secundum quos/ 2 nee quid quoque anno 
actum sit in tanta vetustate non rerum modo sed 
etiam auctorum digerere possis. 

1 Larcius fl : Lartius UO : Largius $- : Largus Cassiod., 
Mommse.n, G.I.L. i.' 2 p. 99 (but Dion. Hal. v. lix. 1, has 

2 quos Crevier : quosdam n. 

1 The Saturnalia proper fell on December 17, though as 
many as seven days came to be devoted to the popular cele- 


BOOK II. xx. n-xxi. 4 

Latins received a check, and their battle-line was B.C. 
forced to yield. The knights had their horses brought 50 - 499 
up that they might be able to pursue the enemy, and 
they were followed by the infantry. Then the dictator, 
neglecting no help, divine or human, is said to have 
vowed a temple to Castor, and to have promised re- 
wards to the soldiers who should be first and second 
to enter the camp of the enemy ; and so great was 
the ardour of the Romans, that with a single rush 
they routed their opponents and took their camp. 
Such was the battle at Lake Regillus. The dictator 
and his master of the horse returned to the City and 

XXI. For the next three years there was neither B - c - 
a stable peace nor war. The consuls Quintus Cloelius 
and Titus Larcius were followed by Aulus Sempro- 
nius and Marcus Minucius. In the latter year a 
temple to Saturn was dedicated and the Saturnalia 
was established as a festal day. 1 Next Aulus Postu- 
mius and Titus Verginius were made consuls. It was 
not until this year, according to some authorities I 
have consulted, that the battle of Lake Regillus was 
fought. They say that Aulus Postumius, because 
his colleague was of doubtful loyalty, resigned the 
consulship, and was then made dictator. One is in- 
volved in so many uncertainties regarding dates by 
the varying order of the magistrates in different lists 
that it is impossible to make out which consuls fol- 
lowed which, or what was done in each particular 
year, when not only events but even authorities are 
so shrouded in antiquity. 

bration of the festival (M r acrobius, i. x. 24), which was a sort 
of carnival. As an old Italic feast it probably originated 
earlier than Livy thought. See Macrobius I. viii. 1. 


VOL. I. L 

A.U.C. 5 Ap. Claudius deinde et P. Servilius consules facti. 


Insignis hie annus est nuntio Tarquini mortis. Mor- 
tuus Cumis, quo se post fractas opes Latinorum ad 

G Aristodemum tyrannum contulerat. Eo nuntio erecti 
patres, erecta plebes. Sed patribus nimis luxuriosa 
ea fuit laetitia : plebi, cui ad earn diem summa ope 
inservitum erat, iniuriae a primoribus fieri coepere. 

7 Eodem anno Signia colonia, quam rex Tarquinius 
deduxerat, suppleto numero colonorum iterum de- 
ducta est. Romae tribus una et viginti factae. 
Aedes Mercuri dedicata est idibus Maiis. 

XXII. Cum Volscorum gente Latino bello neque 
pax neque bellum fuerat ; nam et Volsci compara- 
verant auxilia quae mitterent Latinis, ni maturatum 
ab dictatore Romano esset, et maturavit Roman us, 
ne proelio uno cum Latino Volscoque contenderet. 

2 Hac ira consules in Volscum agrum legiones duxere. 
Volscos consilii poenam non metuentes necopinata 
res perculit ; armorum immemores obsides dant tre- 
centos principum a Cora atque Pometia liberos. Ita 

3 sine certamine hide abductae legiones. Nee ita 
multo post Volscis levatis metu suum rediit inge- 
nium ; rursus occultum parant bellum Hernicis in 

4 societatem armorum adsumptis. Legates quoque ad 

BOOK II. xxi. 5-xxn. 4 

At the next election Appius Claudius and Publius B.C. 495 
Servilius were chosen consuls. This year was marked 
by the announcement of Tarquinius's death. He 
died at Cumae, whither he had gone to the court of 
Aristodemus after the downfall of the Latin cause. 
These tidings cheered the Fathers and encouraged 
the plebs. But the Fathers were too inconsiderate, 
in consequence of their rejoicing at this event ; and 
the plebs, who up to this time had been most stu- 
diously deferred to, began to feel the oppression of 
the nobles. The same year the colony of Signia, 
which King Tarquinius had planted, was recruited 
with new colonists and established for the second 
time. At Rome twenty-one tribes were formed. 
The temple of Mercury was consecrated on the 
fifteenth of May. 

XXII. With the Volscian race there had been 
during the Latin war neither peace nor open hos- 
tilities ; for while the Volsci had raised levies to 
send to the aid of the Latins, had the Roman dic- 
tator not moved quickly, yet the Romans did move 
quickly, that they might not have to fight both 
nations in the same battle Upon this quarrel the 
consuls led their legions into the country of the 
Volsci, who, not expecting to be held to account 
for their design, were surprised and overwhelmed. 
They had no thought of resisting, and surrendered 
as hostages three hundred children of the nobility 
of Cora and Pometia, and so the legions were with- 
drawn without a conflict. Yet it was not long before 
the Volsci, being relieved of their alarm, resumed 
their native duplicity ; again they made secret pre- 
parations for war, and formed a military alliance with 
the Hernici, while they also sent out envoys, this 



A.I'.C. sollicitandum Latium passim dimittunt ; sed recens 
ad Regillum lacum accepta cladis Latinos ira odioque 
eius, quicumque arma suaderet, ne ab legatis quidem 
violandis abstinuit ; comprehensos Volscos Romam 
duxere. Ibi traditf consulibus, indicatumque est 
6 Volscos Hernicosque parare bellum Romanis. Relata 
re ad senatum adeo fuit graturn patribus ut et capti- 
vorum sex milia Latinis remitterent et de foedere, 
quod prope in perpetuum negatum fuerat, rem ad 

6 novos magistrates traicerent. Enimvero turn Latini 
gaud ere facto ; pacis auctores in ingenti gloria esse. 
Coronam auream lovi donum in Capitolium mittunt. 
Cum legatis donoque qui captivorum remissi ad suos 

7 fuerant, magna circumfusa multitude, venit. Per- 
gunt domos eorum apud quern quisque servierant ; 
gratias agunt liberaliter habiti cultique in calamitate 
sua ; inde hospitia iungunt. Nunquam alias ante 
publice privatimque Latinum nomen Romano im- 
perio coniunctius fuit. 

XXIII. Sed et bellum Volscum imminebat, et 

civitas secum ipsa discors intestine inter patres ple- 

bemque flagrabat odio, maxime propter nexos ob aes 

2 alienum. Fremebant se foris pro libertate et im- 

1 Neither captives nor treaty were mentioned in chap. xx. , 
and Livy seems here to be following a different authority, 
possibly Valerius of Antium, whom at xxxni. x. 8 he accuses 
of exaggerating numbers. 

2 The word nexm was used (1) of one who had borrowed 
money by "binding" himself to work out the debt as a 
virtual slave of his creditor, if unable to repay the money ; 
(2) of one so ''bound " and actually serving. 


BOOK II. xxn. 4-xxin. 2 

way and that, to instigate the Latins to rebellion. B.C. 495 
But the disaster which had recently befallen the 
Latins at Lake Regillus so filled them with rage and 
hate against anyone who advised them to go to war, 
that they did not even abstain from violating an 
embassy, but seized the Volsci and brought them 
to Rome. There they delivered them up to the 
consuls with the information that the Volsci and 
the Hernici were preparing to attack the Romans. 
When this service had been reported to the senate 
the Fathers were so grateful that they released to 
the Latins six thousand captives, and referred the 
question of a treaty, which they had all but refused 
in perpetuity, to the incoming magistrates. 1 Then, 
indeed, the Latins rejoiced at the action they had 
taken, and the advocates of peace were in great 
repute. They sent a golden cro\vn as a gift to the 
Capitoline Jupiter. With the envoys who brought 
the gift came the captives who had been restored to 
their friends, a vast attendant multitude. Proceeding 
to the homes of those whom they had severally 
served, they thanked them for the liberality and 
consideration w r hich had been shown them in their 
adversity, and entered into covenants of hospitality 
with them. Never before had there been so close a 
union, both official and personal, between the Latin 
name and the Roman state. 

XXIII. But not only was war with the Volsci im- 
minent ; the citizens were at loggerheads among 
themselves, and internal dissensions betw r een the 
Fathers and the plebs had burst into a blaze of 
hatred, chiefly on account of those who had been 
bound over to service for their debts. 2 These men 
complained loudly that while they were abroad fight- 



perio dimicantes domi a civibus captos et oppresses 
esse, tutioremque in bello quam in pace et inter 
hostis quam inter civis libertatem plebis esse ; invi- 
diamque earn sua sponte gliscentem insignis unius 

3 calamitas accendit. Magno natu quidam cum om- 
nium malorum 1 suorum insignibus se in forum proie- 
cit. Obsita erat squalore vestis, foedior corporis 

4 habitus pallore ac macie perempti ; ad hoc promissa 
barba et capilli efferaverant speciem oris. Noscita- 
batur tamen in tanta deformitate, et ordines duxisse 
aiebant aliaque militiae decora volgo miserantes eum 
iactabant ; ipse testes honestarum aliquot locis pug- 

5 narum cicatrices adverse pectore ostentabat. Scisci- 
tantibus unde ille habitus, unde deformitas, cum 
circumfusa turba esset prope in contionis modum, 
Sabino bello ait se militantem, quia propter popula- 
tiones agri non fructu modo caruerit, sed villa incensa 
fuerit, direpta omnia, pecora abacta, tributum iniquo 

6 suo tempore imperatum, aes alienum fecisse. Id 
cumulatum usuris primo se agro paterno avitoque 
exuisse, deinde fortunis aliis, postremo velut tabem 
pervenisse ad corpus ; ductum se ab creditore non 
in servitium, sed in ergastulum et carnificinam esse. 

1 malorum Lipsius : maiorum fl. 

BOOK II. xxin. 2-6 

ing for liberty and dominion they had been enslaved -c. 495 
and oppressed at home by fellow-citizens, and that 
the freedom of the plebeians was more secure in 
war than in peace, amongst enemies than amongst 
citizens. This bitter feeling, which was growing 
spontaneously, the notable calamity of one man 
fanned into a flame. Old, and bearing the marks of 
all his misfortunes, the man rushed into the Forum, 
His dress was covered with filth, and the condition 
of his body was even worse, for he was pale and half 
dead with emaciation. Besides this, his straggling 
beard and hair had given a savage look to his coun- 
tenance. He was recognized nevertheless, despite 
the hideousness of his appearance, and the word 
went round that he had commanded companies ; yet 
other military honours were openly ascribed to him 
by the compassionate bystanders, and the man him- 
self displayed the scars on his breast which bore 
testimony to his honourable service in various battles. 
When they asked the reason of his condition and 
his squalor, he replied, while the crowd gathered 
about him much as though it were an assembly, 
that during his service in the Sabine war not only 
had the enemy's depredations deprived him of his 
crops, but his cottage had been burnt, all his be- 
longings plundered, and his flocks driven off. Then 
the taxes had been levied, in an untoward moment 
for him, and he had contracted debts. When these 
had been swelled by usury, they had first stripped 
him of the farm which had been his father's and his 
grandfather's, then of the remnants of his property, 
and finally like an infection they had attacked his 
person, and he had been carried off by his creditor, 
not to slavery, but to the prison and the torture- 



A. P.O. 7 Inde ostentare tergum foedum recentibus vestigiis 


verberum. Ad haec visa auditaque clamor ingens 
oritur. Non iam foro se tumultus continet 1 sed 

8 passim totam urbem pervadit. Nexi 2 vincti solu- 
tique se undique in publicum proripiunt, imploraiit 
Quiritium fidem. Nullo loco deest seditionis volun- 
tarius comes ; multis passim agminibus per omnes 

9 vias cum clamore in forum curritur. Magno cum 
periculo suo qui forte patrum in foro erant in earn 

10 turbam inciderunt ; nee temperatum manibus foret, 
ni propere consules, P. Servilius et Ap. Claudius, ad 
comprimendam seditionem intervenissent. At in eos 
multitude versa ostentare vincula sua deformitatem- 

11 que aliam. Haec se meritos dicere exprobrantes 
suam quisque alius alibi militiam ; postulare multo 
minaciter magis quam suppliciter ut senatum voca- 
rent; curiamque ipsi futuri arbitri moderatoresque 

12 publici consilii circumsistunt. Pauci admodum pa- 
trum, quos casus obtulerat, contract! ab consulibus : 
ceteros metus non curia modo sed etiam foro arce- 
bat, nee agi quicquam per infrequentiam poterat 

13 senatus. Turn vero eludi atque extrahi se multitude 
putare, 3 et patrum qui abessent non casu, non metu, 
sed impediendae rei causa abesse, et consules ipsos 

1 continet $- : sustinet fl. 

2 nexi A' 2 - : inexsui M : nexu A. 

3 putare HD 2 $- : putaret fl. 


BOOK II. xxin. 7-13 

chamber. He then showed them his back, disfigured B.C. 493 
with the wales of recent scourging. The sight of 
these things and the man's recital produced a mighty 
uproar. The disturbance was no longer confined to 
the Forum, but spread in all directions through the 
entire City. Those who had been bound over, whether 
in chains or not, broke out into the streets from every 
side, and implored the Quirites to protect them. At 
no point was there any lack of volunteers to join the 
rising; everywhere crowds were streaming through 
the different streets and shouting as they hurried to 
the Forum. Great was the peril of those senators 
who happened to be in the Forum and fell in with 
the mob, which would not indeed have stopped 
short of violence had not the consuls, Publius Ser- 
vilius and Appius Claudius, hurriedly intervened to 
put down the insurrection. But the crowd turned 
on them and displayed their chains and other hideous 
tokens. These, they cried, were the rewards they 
had earned, and they bitterly rehearsed the cam- 
paigns they had each served in various places. They 
demanded, in a manner much more threatening than 
suppliant, that the consuls should convene the senate ; 
and they surrounded the Curia, that they might them- 
selves witness and control the deliberations of the 
state. The consuls succeeded in collecting only a 
few of the senators whom chance had thrown in their 
way. The rest were afraid to enter not only the 
Curia but even the Forum, and nothing could be done 
because those present were too few. Whereat the 
people concluded they were being flouted and put off, 
and that the missing senators were absent not from 
accident, nor fear, but with the intent to hinder action, 
and that the consuls themselves were paltering ; 


LIVY tenriversari. nee dubie ludibrio esse miserias suas. 


14 lam prope erat ut ne eonsulum quidem maiestas 
coerceret iras hominum, cum, incerti morando an 
veniendo plus periculi contraherent, tandem in sena- 
tum veniunt ; frequentique tandem curia non modo 
inter patres sed ne inter consules quidem ipsos satis 

15 conveniebat. Appius, vehementis ingenii vir, im- 
perio consulari rem agendam censebat : uno aut 
altero arrepto quieturos alios ; Servilius, lenibus 
remediis aptior, concitatos animos flecti quam frangi 
putabat cum tutius turn facilius esse. 

XXIV. Inter haec maior alius terror : Latini equi- 
tes cum tumultuoso advolant nuntio Volscos infesto 
exercitu ad urbem oppugnandam venire. Quae au- 
dita adeo duas ex una civitate discordia fecerat 

2 longe aliter patres ac plebem adfecere. Exsultare 
gaudio plebes, ultores superbiae patrum adesse dicere 
deos; alius alium confirmare, ne nomina darent : cum 
omnibus potius quam solos perituros ; patres mili- 
tarent, patres arma caperent, ut penes eosdem peri- 

3 cula belli, penes quos praemia essent. At vero curia 
maesta ac trepida ancipiti metu et ab cive et ab 
hoste Servilium consulem, cui ingenium magis popu- 
lare erat, orare ut tantis circumventam terroribus 

BOOK II. xxiii. 13-xxiv. 3 

nor did they doubt that their misery was made a B.C. 495 
jest. A little more and not even the majesty of the 
consuls could have held in check the angry crowd, 
when the absent Fathers, uncertain whether they 
should incur more danger by holding back or by 
coming forward, finally came into the senate, and 

o / 

the required number being at length assembled, not 
only the senators, but even the consuls themselves 
were unable to agree. Appius, a headstrong man, 
was for settling the matter by the exercise of con- 
sular authority ; when one or two men had been 
arrested, the others, he said, would calm down. 
Servilius, more inclined to gentle measures, believed 
that it was safer, as well as easier, to assuage their 
fury than to quell it. 

XXIV. In the midst of the debate a greater alarm 
arose from a new quarter, for some Latin horsemen 
galloped up with the disquieting news that a Volscian 
army was advancing to attack the City. This report 
awoke very different feelings so completely had 
their dissensions divided the state into two in the 
Fathers and the plebs. The commons were jubilant ; 
the} 7 said that the gods were taking a hand in punish- 
ing the arrogance of the senators. They encouraged 
one another not to give in their names ; it would 
be better to perish all together than alone. Let 
the Fathers serve, let the Fathers take up arms, 
that those might incur the hazards of war who re- 
ceived its rewards. The Curia, on the other hand, 
was downcast and dismayed. In their twofold fear 
of their fellow-citizens and of the enemy they 
begged Servilius the consul, whose character ap- 
pealed more to the people than did that of his 
colleague, that he would extricate the state from 



A.U.C. 4 expediret rein publicam. Turn consul misso senatu 


in contionem prodit. Ibi curae esse patribus osten- 
dit ut consulatur plebi ; ceterum deliberation! de 
maxima quidem ilia sed tamen parte civitatis metum 

5 pro universa re publica intervenisse. Nee posse, cum 
hostes prope ad portas essent, bello praeverti se 1 
quicquam, nee, si sit laxamenti aliquid, aut plebi 
honestum esse, nisi mercede prius accepta arma pro 
patria non cepisse, neque patribus satis decorum per 
metum potius quam postmodo voluntate adflictis 

6 civium suorum fortunis consuluisse. Contioni deinde 
edicto addidit fid em, quo edixit ne quis civem Ro- 
manum vinctum aut clausum teneret, quo minus ei 
nominis edendi apud consules potestas fieret, neu 
quis militis, donee in castris esset, bona possideret 

7 aut venderet, liberos nepotesve eius moraretur. Hoc 
proposito edicto et qui aderant nexi profited extern - 
plo nomina, et undique ex tota urbe proripientium 
se ex private, cum retinendi ius creditori non esset, 
concursus in forum, ut sacramento dicerent, fieri. 

8 Magna ea manus fuit, neque aliorum magis in Volsco 
bello virtus atque opera enituit. Consul copias con- 
tra hostem educit; parvo dirimente intervallo castra 

1 praeverti se Weissenborn : praeuertisse : peruetisse M : 
praenerti Hertz. 


BOOK II. xxiv. 3-8 

the fearful perils with which it was beset. There- B.C. 495 
upon the consul adjourned the senate and went 
before the people. There he declared that the 
Fathers were anxious to consult the interests of the 
plebs, but that their deliberations concerning that 
very important part but only a part after all 
of the state had been broken off by their fears for 
the entire nation. It was impossible, when the enemy 
was almost at the city gates, to consider anything 
before the war ; and even if there should be some 
slight respite in that regard, it was neither to the 
credit of the plebs to refuse to arm for their country, 
unless they should first receive a recompense, nor 
honourable to the Fathers to be driven by fear into 
passing measures for the relief of their fellow-citizens 
which they would have passed later of their own 
free will. He then confirmed his speech by a pro- 
clamation in which he commanded that no one should 
hold a Roman citizen in chains or durance so that he 
should not be able to give in his name to the consuls, 
and that none should seize or sell a soldier's pro- 
perty so long as he was in camp, or interfere with 
his children or his grandchildren. When this edict 
had been published, the debtors who were present 
at once enlisted, and from every quarter, all over 
the City, they hastened from the houses where their 
creditors no longer had the right to detain them, 
and rushed into the Forum to take the military oath. 
It was a great throng, nor were there any soldiers 
whose courage and usefulness in the Volscian war 
were more conspicuous. The consul led his troops 
against the enemy, and pitched his camp at a short 
distance from theirs. 


A.D.O. XXV. Proxima inde nocte Volsci, discordia Ro- 


mana freti, si qua nocturna transitio proditiove fieri 
posset, 1 temptant castra. Sensere vigiles, excitatus 

2 exercitus, signo dato concursum est ad arma ; ita 
frustra id inceptum Volscis fuit ; reliquum noctis 
utrimque quieti datum. Postero die prima luce 

3 Volsci fossis repletis vallum invadunt. lamque ab 
omni parte munimenta vellebantur, cum consul, 
quamquam cuncti undique, et nexi ante omnes, ut 
signum daret clamabant, experiendi animos militum 
causa parumper moratus, postquam satis apparebat 
ingens ardor, dato tandem ad erumpendum signo 

4 militem avidum certaminis emittit. Primo statim 
incursu pulsi hostes ; fugientibus, quoad insequi 
pedes potuit, terga caesa ; eques usque ad castra 
pavidos egit. Mox ipsa castra legionibus circum- 
datis, cum Volscos inde etiam pavor expulisset, capta 

5 direptaque. Postero die ad Suessam Pometiam, quo 
confugerant hostes, legionibus ductis, intra paucos 
dies oppidum capitur, captum praedae datum. Inde 

6 paulum recreatus egens miles. Consul cum maxima 
gloria sua victorem exercitum Romam reducit. De- 
cedentem Romam Ecetranorum 2 Volscorum legati, 

1 posset MPFUBO : possit HRDLAld. 

2 Romam Ecetranorum FlL (written ec etr-) - : roma 
mecetranorum M PR : roma matranorum (ce written ovf.r 
-at-) B: romam cetranorum D : romam mecetranorum OH: 
romam macetranorum Z>V : Ecetranorum Crevier. 


BOOK II. x.vv. 1-6 

XXV. The next night the Volsci, relying on the B.C. 495 
lack of harmony among the Romans, attacked their 
camp on the chance that the darkness might en- 
courage desertions or treachery. But the sentries 
perceived them, the army was roused, and, the signal 
being given, rushed to arms. Thus the design of the 
Volsci came to naught, and the remainder of the 
night was devoted by both armies to sleeping. On 
the following day at dawn the Volsci filled up the 
trenches and assaulted the rampart, and soon they 
were everywhere pulling down the palisades. On 
every side the consul's men were clamouring for the 
signal none more loudly than the debtors. He 
waited a moment, to test the temper of the soldiers. 
When there could no longer be any doubt of their 
great ardour, he finally gave the command for a 
sortie and released them, eager for the fray. At the 
very first onset the enemy were routed. While they 
ran, the foot-soldiers struck at them from behind as 
long as they could keep up the pursuit ; then the 
horsemen drove them panic-stricken clear to their 
camp. Soon the camp itself had been surrounded 
by the legions, and when the Volsci had fled from it 
in terror, it was taken and plundered. Next day 
Servilius led his forces to Suessa Pometia, where the 
enemy had taken refuge, and within a few days took 
the town and gave it up to be sacked. 1 This yielded 
some slight relief to the soldiers, who needed it 
badly. The consul led his army back to Rome, with 
great honour to himself. As he was setting out on 
his return thither ambassadors approached him from 

1 But it had already been razed, as we read in chap. xvii. 6 
another indication that Livy is reproducing different versions 
of the same story (see chap. xvi. 9 and note). 



.u.a rebus suis timentes post Pometiam captam, adeunt. 


His ex senatus consulto data pax, ager ademptus. 

XXVI. Confestim et Sabini Romanos territavere ; 
tL.multus enim fuit verius quam bellum. Nocte in 
urbem nuntiatum est exercitum Sabinum praeda- 
bundum ad Anienem amnem pervenisse ; ibi passim 

2 diripi atque incendi villas. Missus extemplo eo cum 
omnibus copiis equitum A. Postumius, qui dictator 
bello Latino fuerat ; secutus consul Servilius cum 

3 delecta peditum manu. Plerosque palantes eques 
circumvenit, nee advenienti peditum agmini restitit 
Sabina legio ; fessi cum itinere turn populatione 
nocturna, magna pars in villis repleti cibo vinoque, 
vix fugae quod satis esset virium habuere. 

4 Nocte una audito perfectoque bello Sabino postero 
die in magna iam spe undique partae pacis legati 
Aurunci senatum adeunt, ni decedatur Volsco asrro 


5 bellum indicentes. Cum legatis simul exercitus 
Auruncorum domo profectus erat ; cuius fama baud 
procul iam ab Aricia visi tanto tumultu concivit 
Romanos ut nee consuli ordine patres nee pacatum 
responsum arma inferentibus arma ipsi capientes 

6 dare possent. Ariciam infesto agmine itur, nee 

BOOK II. xxv. 6-xxvi. 6 

the Volsci of Ecetra, who were alarmed at their own B.C. 495 
prospects, in view of the capture of Pometia. A 
decree of the senate granted them peace, but took 
away their land. 

XXVI. Directly after this the Sabines also caused 
an alarm at Rome for it was indeed a turmoil 
rather than war. One night the City got word 
that a Sabine army bent on pillage had come as 
near as the river Anio, and was there plundering 
and burning farmhouses right and left. The Romans 
at once dispatched in that direction all their cavalry, 
under Aulus Postumius, who had been dictator in 
the Latin war. He was followed by the consul 
Servilius with a picked body of foot-soldiers. Many 
stragglers were cut off by the cavalry and, when 
the column of infantry drew near, no resistance was 
offered by the Sabine troops. Exhausted not only 
by their march but by their night of pillage as well, 
a great part of them had gorged themselves in the 
farmhouses with food and wine, and had scarcely 
vigour enough to run away. 

A single night having sufficed for hearing of the 
Sabine war and ending it, men's hopes next day ran 
high that peace was now assured in every quarter, 
when legates from the Aurunci appeared before the 
senate to say that unless the territory of the Volsci 
were evacuated they should declare war. The Au- 
runcan army had set out from home at the same time 
with the legates, and the report that it had already 
been seen not far from Aricia threw Rome into such 
a state of confusion that it was impossible to bring 
the matter regularly before the senate, or to return 
a peaceful answer to a people who had already drawn 
the sword, while they themselves were also arming. 
They marched on Aricia in fighting order, joined 



A.U.C. procul inde cum Auruncis signa conlata proelioque 
uno debellatum est. 

XXVII. Fusis Auruncis victor tot intra paucos 
dies bellis Romanus promissa consulis fidemque sena- 
tus exspectabat, cum Appius et insita superbia animo 
et ut collegae vanam faceret fidem, quam asperrime 
poterat, ius de creditis pecuniis dicere. Deinceps 
et qui ante nexi fuerant creditoribus tradebantur et 

2 nectebantur alii. Quod ubi cui militi inciderat, 
collegam appellabat. Concursus ad Servilium fiebat ; 
illius promissa iactabant ; illi exprobrabant sua quis- 
que belli merita cicatricesque acceptas. Postulabant 
ut aut referret ad senatum, aut l auxilio esset consul 

3 civibus suis, imperator militibus. Movebant consu- 
lem haec, sed tergiversari res cogebat ; adeo in alte- 
ram causam non collega solum praeceps erat 2 sed 
omnis factio nobilium. Ita medium se gerendo nee 
plebis vitavit odium nee apud patres gratiam iniit. 

4 Patres mollem consulem et ambitiosum rati, plebes 
fallacem ; brevique apparuit adaequasse eum Appi 

6 odium. Certamen consulibus inciderat uter dedi- 
caret Mercuri aedem. Senatus a se rem ad j)opulum 
reiecit : utri eorum dedicatio iussu populi data esset, 

1 aut Madvig : aut ut fl. 2 praeceps erat 5- : praeceperat n. 

BOOK II. xxvi. 6-xxvn. 5 

battle with the Aurunci not far from the town, and B.C. 495 
in a single engagement finished the war. 

XXVII. Having routed the Aurunci, and having 
been, within a few days, victorious in so many wars, 
the Romans were looking for the help which the 
consul had promised and the senate guaranteed, when 
Appius, partly out of native arrogance, partly to dis- 
credit his colleague, began to pronounce judgment 
with the utmost rigour in suits to recover debts. In 
consequence, not only were those who had been 
bound over before delivered up to their creditors, but 
others were bound over. Whenever this happened 
to a soldier he would appeal to the other consul. 
The people flocked to the house of Servilius : it was 
he who had made them promises ; it was he whom 
they reproached, as each rehearsed his services in the 
wars and displayed the scars he had received. They 
demanded that he should either lay the matter before 
the senate or lend his aid as consul to his fellow- 
citizens, as general to his soldiers. They moved the 
consul by this plea, but the situation forced him to 
temporize, so vehemently was the other side sup- 
ported, not only by his colleague, but by the entire 
party of the nobles. And so he steered a middle 
course, and neither avoided the dislike of the plebs 
nor gained the goodwill of the Fathers. These con- 
sidered him a pusillanimous consul and an agitator, 
while the commons held him to be dishonest ; and it 
was soon apparent that he was as cordially hated as 
Appius. The consuls had got into a dispute as to 
which should dedicate the temple to Mercury. The 
senate referred the case to the people for decision. 
Whichever consul should, by command of the people, 
be entrusted with the dedication was to have charge 



A.U.C. eum praeesse annonae, mercatorum collegium insti- 

6 tuere, sollemnia pro pontifice iussit suscipere. Popu- 
lus dedicationem aedis dat M. Laetorio, primi pili 
centurioni, quod facile appareret non tarn ad hono- 
rem eius, cui curatio altior fastigio suo data esset, 

7 factum quam ad consulum ignominiam. Saevire inde 
utique consulum alter patresque ; sed plebi creve- 
rant animi, et longe alia quam prime instituerant via 

8 grassabantur. Desperato enim consulum senatusque 
auxilio, cum in ius duci debitorem vidissent, undique 
convolabant. Neque decretum exaudiri consulis prae 
strepitu et clamore poterat, neque cum decresset 

9 quisquam obtemperabat. Vi agebatur, metusque 
omnis et periculum, 1 cum in conspectu consulis sin- 
guli a pluribus violarentur, in creditores a debitoribus 

10 verterant. Super haec timor incessit Sabini belli ; 
dilectuque decreto nemo nomen dedit, furente Appio 
et insectante ambitionem collegae, qui populari silen- 
tio rem publicam proderet, et ad id quod de credita 
pecunia ius non dixisset, adiceret ut ne dilectum 

1 1 quidem ex senatus consulto haberet : non esse tamen 
desertam omnino rem publicam neque proiectum 
consulare imperium, se unum et suae et patrum 

12 maiestatis vindicem fore. Cum circumstaret coti- 
diana multitude licentia accensa, arripi unum insig- 

1 periculum M : periculum libertatis fl. 

1 Mercury was the patron of trade. 

BOOK II. xxvn. 5-12 

of the corn-supply, to establish a guild of merchants, 1 B .c. 495 
and perform the solemn rites in the presence of 
the pontifex. The people assigned the dedication to 
Marcus Laetorius, a centurion of the first rank a 
choice which would readily be understood as intended 
not so much to honour Laetorius, to whom a com- 
mission had been given which was too exalted for 
his station in life, as to humiliate the consuls. Appius 
and the Fathers were furious then, if they had not 
been before ; but the plebeians had plucked up heart 
and threw themselves into the struggle with far more 
spirit than they had shown at first. For, despairing 
of help from consuls and senate, they no sooner be- 
held a debtor being haled away than they flew to 
his assistance from every side. It was impossible 
for the consul's decree to be heard above the din 
and shouting, and when it had been pronounced 
nobody obeyed it. Violence was the order of the 
day, and fear and danger had quite shifted from the 
debtors to the creditors, who were singled out and 
maltreated by large numbers in full sight of the 
consul. To crown these troubles came the fear of 
a Sabine invasion. A levy was decreed, but no one 
enlisted. Appius stormed and railed at the insidious 
arts of his colleague, who, he said, to make himself 
popular, was betraying the state by his inactivity ; 
and to his refusal to give judgment for debt was 
adding a fresh offence in refusing to hold the levy 
as the senate had directed. Nevertheless the welfare 
of the state was not wholly forgotten, nor the au- 
thority of the consulate abandoned ; he would him- 
self, single-handed, assert both his own and the 
senate's majesty. When the usual daily throng of 
lawless men was standing about him, he gave orders 


A.U.C. nem ducem seditionum iussit. Ille cum a lictoribus 


iam traheretur, provocavit ; nee cessisset provoca- 
tioni consul, quia non dubium erat populi iudicium, 
nisi aegre victa pertinacia foret consilio magis et 
auctoritate principum quam populi clamore ; adeo 
13 supererant animi ad sustinendam invidiam. Crescere 
inde malum in dies non clamoribus modo apertis 
sed, quod multo perniciosius erat, secessione occul- 
tisque conloquiis. Tandem invisi plebi consules 
magistratu abeunt, Servilius neutris, Appius patribus 
mire gratus. XXVIII. A. Verginius inde et T. Vetusius consu- 

latum ineunt. Turn vero plebs, incerta quales habi- 
tura consules esset, coetus nocturnos, pars Esquiliis, 
pars in Aventino facere, ne in foro subitis trepidaret 

2 consiliis et omnia temere ac fortuito ageret. Earn 
rem consules rati, ut erat, perniciosam ad patres 
deferunt, sed delatam consulere ordine non licuit ; 
adeo tumultuose excepta est clamoribus undique et 
indignatione patrum, si, quod imperio consulari ex- 
sequendum esset, invidiam eius consules ad senatum 

3 reicerent. Profecto, si essent in re publica magis- 
tratus, nullum futurum fuisse Romae nisi publicum 
concilium ; nunc in mille curias contionesque l dis- 

1 After contionesque the AfSS. give cum alia Esquiliis 
alia in Aventino fiant concilia, which Wtcklein ejects as a 
gloss derived from xxviii. 1. 


BOOK II. xxvii. 12-xxvin. 3 

to seize one who was a conspicuous leader in their B.C. 495 
disturbances. The lictors were already dragging the 
man away, when he appealed ; nor would the consul 
have granted the appeal, for there was no question 
what the decision of the people w r ould be, had not 
his obstinacy been with difficulty overcome, more by 
the advice and influence of the nobles than by the 
popular outcry, so steeled was he to endure men's 
hate. From that moment the trouble grew worse 
each day, and not only were there open disturb- 
ances, but what was far more pernicious, secret 
gatherings and conferences. At last the consuls 
whom the plebeians so hated went out of office. 
Servilius had the goodwill of neither party, but 
Appius was in high esteem with the senators. 

XXVIII. Aulus Verginius and Titus Vetusius then B.C. 494 
entered upon the consulship. Whereat the plebs, 
uncertain what sort of consuls they would prove to 
be, held nightly gatherings, some on the Esquiline 
and others on the Aventine, lest if they met in the 
Forum they might be frightened into adopting ill- 
considered measures, and manage all their business 
rashly and at haphazard. This seemed to the consuls, 
as indeed it was, a mischievous practice. They laid 
the matter before the Fathers, but their report could 
not be discussed in an orderly fashion, so tumul- 
tuously was it received, with shouts from every part 
of the house and expressions of indignation from the 
senators, that a thing which ought to have been 
settled by an exercise of consular authority should 
be invidiously referred by the consuls to the senate. 
It was evident that if only there were magistrates 

' O 

in the nation there would have been no assembly in 
Rome but the assembly of the people ; as it was, the 



A.U.C. 4 persam et dissipatam esse rem publicam. Unum 
hercule virum id enim plus esse quam consulem 
qualis Ap. Claudius fuerit, momento temporis discus- 

5 surum illos coetus fuisse. Correpti consules cum? 
quid ergo se facere vellent, nihil enim segnius mol- 
liusve quam patribus placeat acturos, percuncta- 
rentur, decernunt ut dilecturn quam acerrimum 

6 habeant : otio lascivire plebem. Dimisso senatu 
consules in tribunal escendunt ; citant nominatim 
iuiiiores. Cum ad nomen nemo responderet, cir- 
cumfusa multitudo in contionis modum negare 1 ultra 

7 decipi plebem posse ; nunquam unum militem habi- 
turos ni praestaretur fides publica ; libertatem uni- 
cuique prius reddendam esse quam arma danda, ut 
pro patria civibusque, non pro dominis pugnent. 

8 Consules quid mandatum esset a senatu videbant, 
sed eorum qui intra parietes curiae ferociter loque- 
rentur neminem adesse invidiae suae participem ; 

9 et apparebat atrox cum plebe certameii. Prius 
itaque quam ultima experirentur, senatum iterum 
consul ere placuit. Turn vero ad sellas consulum 
propere 2 convolavere 3 minimus quisque natu patrum, 
abdicare consulatum iubentes et deponere imperium 
ad quod tuendum animus deesset. 

XXIX. Utraque re satis experta turn demum 
consules : " Ne praedictum negetis, patres con- 

1 negare M^- : negaret fi. 2 propere - : prope fl. 
s convolavere n : conuolare VM. 

1 (1) to persuade the senate to content the people ; (2) to 
coerce the people. 


BOOK II. xxvui. 3~xxix. i 

government was broken up into a thousand separate B.C. 
curias and meetings. One single man a more sig- 
nificant word than consul of the type of Appius 
Claudius, would have dispersed those assemblages in 
a moment. When the consuls, thus upbraided, asked 
the Fathers what then they desired them to do, and 
promised that their conduct of the matter should be 
no whit less strenuous and stern than the senate 
wished, it was resolved that they should hold a levy 
with the utmost severity : it was idleness that made 
the plebeians lawless. Having adjourned the senate, 
the consuls mounted the tribunal and cited the young 
men by name. When no one answered to his name, 
the crowd, which surrounded the speaker as in a 
public meeting, declared that it was impossible to 
deceive the commons any longer ; the consuls would 
never have a single soldier unless a public guarantee 
were given : liberty must first be restored to every 
man before arms were given him, that he might 
fight for his country and his fellow-citizens, not for 
a master. It was clear to the consuls what the senate 
had bidden them do ; but of all those who had 
uttered truculent speeches within the walls of the 
curia they found not one at their side to share their 
odium, and they saw before them a terrible struggle 
with the people. Accordingly they thought it best, 
before proceeding to extremities, to consult the senate 
a second time. When it met, the youngest senators 
all rushed up in hot haste to the seats of the consuls, 
bidding them to abdicate their office and to lay down 
an authority which they lacked the spirit to support. 
XXIX. Having sufficiently weighed both the 
courses open to them, 1 the consuls finally said : " Lest 
you should say that you had not been warned, Con- 


A.U.C. scripti, adest ingens seditio. Postulamus ut ii, 


qui maxime ignaviani increpant, adsint nobis haben- 
tibus dilectum. Acerrimi cuiusque arbitrio, quando 

2 ita placet, rem agemus." Redeunt in tribunal; 
citari nominatim unum ex iis qui in conspectu 
erant dedita opera iubent. Cum staret tacitus 
et circa eum aliquot hominum, ne forte violare- 
tur, constitisset globus, lictorem ad eum consules 

3 mittunt. Quo repulso turn vero indignum facinus 
esse clamitantes qui patrum consulibus aderant, de- 

4 volant de tribunali ut lictori auxilio essent. Sed ab 
lictore, nihil aliud quam prendere prohibito, cum 
conversus in patres impetus esset, consulum inter- 
cursu rixa sedata est, in qua tamen sine lapide, sine 
telo plus clamoris atque irarum quam iniuriae fuerat. 

5 Senatus tumultuose vocatus tumultuosius consulitur, 
quaestionem postulantibus iis qui pulsati fuerant, 
decernente ferocissimo quoque non sententiis magis 

6 quam clamore et strepitu. Tandem cum irae rese- 
dissent, exprobrantibus consulibus nihilo plus sani- 
tatis in curia quam in foro esse, ordine consuli 

7 coepit. Tres fuere sententiae. P. Verginius rem 
non volgabat ; de iis tantum qui fidem secuti P. Ser- 
vili consulis Volsco, Aurunco, Sabinoque militassent 

8 bello, agendum censebat. T. Largius non id tempus 
csse ut merita tantummodo exsolverentur ; totam 

BOOK II. xxix. 1-8 

script Fathers, we are on the verge of a great mutiny. B.C. 494 
We demand that those who are loudest in accusing 
us of cowardice stand by us while we hold the levy. 
The most severe amongst you, since such is your 
pleasure, shall guide our procedure." They returned 
to the tribunal, and purposely commanded to cite by 
name one of those who were present. When he stood 
still without answering, in the midst of a little knot 
of men who, fearing the possibility of violence, had 
gathered round him, the consuls sent a lictor to him. 
The lictor was driven back. Whereupon, with a cry 
of " Shame ! " the senators who were attending the 
consul rushed down from the tribunal to assist the 
lictor. But when the mob turned from the officer, 
whom they had merely prevented from arresting the 
man, and assailed the senators, the consuls intervened 
and checked the brawl, in which no stones had 
been thrown nor any weapons used, and there were 
more shouts and expressions of rage than hurts. The 
senate was convened in confusion, and they deliber- 
ated in still greater confusion. Those who had been 
roughly handled demanded an investigation, and all 
the more violent members urged the resolution, not 
only with speeches but with shouts and uproar. 
When at length their passions had subsided, and the 
consuls berated them for showing as little sanity in 
the Curia as the people had shown in the Forum, 
they began to deliberate in an orderly manner. 
Three proposals were made. Publius Verginius ad- 
vised against a general relief: only those who, relying 
on the promise of Publius Servilius the consul, had 
fought in the Volscian, Auruncan, and Sabine wars 
should, he thought, be considered. Titus Largius held 
that this was no time for merely requiting services ; 

3 11 


A.n.o. plebeni acre alieno demersam esse, nee sisti posse ni 


omnibus consulatur ; quin, si alia aliorum sit con- 
9 dicio, accendi magis discordiam quam sedari. Ap. 
Claudius, et natura immitis et efferatus, hinc plebis 
odio illinc patrum laudibus, non miseriis ait sed 
licentia tantum concitum turbarum, et lascivire magis 

10 plebem quam saevire. Id adeo malum ex provoca- 
tione natum ; quippe minas esse consulum, non im- 
perium, ubi ad eos qui una peccaverint provocare 

1 1 liceat. " Agedum/' inquit, " dictatorem, a quo pro- 
vocatio non est, creemus ; iam hie quo nunc omnia 

12 ardent conticescet furor. Pulset turn mihi lictorem 
qui sciet ius de tergo vitaque sua penes untim ilium 
esse cuius maiestatem violarit." l 

XXX. Multis, ut erat, horrida et atrox videbatur 
Appi sententia ; rursus Vergini Largique exemplo 
hand salubres, utique Largi, 2 quae totam fidem tolle- 
ret. Medium maxime et moderatum utroque con- 

2 silium Vergini habebatur ; sed factione resjiectuque 
rerum privatarum, quae semper offecere officientque 
publicis consiliis^ Appius vicit, ac prope fuit ut dic- 

3 tator ille idem crearetur ; quae res utique alienasset 
plebem periculosissimo tempore, cum Volsci Aequi- 

1 violarit R z ?: uiolauit n. 

2 After Largi fl have putabant scntentiam, which Gebhard 


BOOK II. xxix. 8-xxx. 3 

the whole commons was submerged in debt, and B.C. 494 
the situation could not be remedied unless provision 
were made for all ; indeed, if some were treated in 
one way and some in another, it would heighten the 
discontent instead of allaying it. Appius Claudius, 
naturally harsh, and rendered savage by the hatred 
of the plebs on the one hand and the praises of the 
Fathers on the other, said that it was not misery but 
licence that had stirred up so great a hubbub, and 
that wantonness was what ailed the plebs rather than 
anger. That was precisely the mischief which the 
appeal occasioned ; for the consuls might threaten 
but could not command, when those who had shared 
in the guilt might be constituted the court of appeal. 
"Come," said he, "let us appoint a dictator, from 
whom there is no appeal. At once this frenzy which 
has now set everything ablaze will be stilled. Let 
anybody strike a lictor then, knowing that the right 
to scourge and behead him rests with that one man 
whose majesty he has violated ! " 

XXX. Many felt, and with reason, that the pro- 
posal of Appius was stern and cruel ; on the other 
hand those of Verginius and Largius were inexpedient 
because of the precedent ; particularly that of Largius, 
since it destroyed all credit. The most reasonable 
and moderate plan, in its regard for both sides, was 
held to be that of Verginius. But owing to party 
spirit and consideration for private interests, things 
which have always been hurtful to public delibera- 
tions and always will be, Appius prevailed, and came 
very near to being himself appointed dictator, a step 
which would infallibly have estranged the commons, 
and that at a most dangerous moment, since the 
Volsci, the Aequi, and the Sabines were all, as it 



A '26o 4 l ue e * Sabini forte una omnes in armis essent. Sed 
curae fuit consulibus et senioribus patrum, ut magis- 
tratus l imperio suo vehemens mansueto permitte- 

5 retur ingenio. M'. Valerium dictatorem Volesi filium 
creant. Plebes etsi adversus se creatum dictatorem 
videbat, tamen cum provocationem fratris lege habe- 
ret, nihil ex ea familia triste nee superbum timebat. 

6 Edictum deinde a dictatore propositum confirmavit 
animos Servili fere consulis edicto conveniens ; sed 
et homini et potestati melius rati credi omisso certa- 

7 mine nomina dedere. Quantus nunquam ante exer- 
citus, legiones decem effectae ; ternae inde datae 
consulibus, quattuor dictator usus. 

8 Nee iam poterat bellum differri. Aequi Latinum 
agrum invaserant. Oratores Latinorum ab senatu 
petebant ut aut mitterent subsidium aut se ipsos 

9 tuendorum finium causa capere arma sinerent. Tu- 
tius visum est defendi inermes Latinos quam pati 
retractare arma. Vetusius consul missus est ; is finis 
populationibus fuit. Cessere Aequi campis locoque 
magis quam armis freti summis se iugis montium 

10 tutabantur. Alter consul in Volscos profectus, ne et 
ipse tereret tempus, vastandis maxime agris hostem 

1 magistratus was inserted by Heerwagen. 

1 That is to say, in general ; from a dictator, however, 
there was no appeal until a later period. 

3 X 4 

BOOK II. xxx. 3-10 

chanced, up in arms at once. But the consuls and B.C. 494 
the older senators saw to it that a magistracy ren- 
dered formidable by its paramount authority should 
be committed to a man of gentle disposition, and 
chose for dictator Manius Valerius, son of Volesus. 
The plebs, though they perceived that it was against 
themselves that the creation of a dictator was aimed, 
still, since it was through a law proposed by a brother 
of Valerius that they possessed the right of appeal, 1 
they had no fear of any harsh or oppressive act on 
the part of one of that family. An edict which the 
dictator soon promulgated strengthened their confi- 
dence. It conformed essentially to the edict of Ser- 
vilius; but Valerius and the office he held commanded 
greater confidence, and, ceasing to struggle, men gave 
in their names. So large an army had never been 
enrolled before. Ten legions were embodied ; each 
consul was given three of these, and the dictator 
had four. 

Nor could war be deferred any longer, for the 
Aequi had invaded Latin territory. Emissaries from 
the Latins begged the senate either to send them 
help or permit them to take up arms themselves in 
defence of their country. 2 It seemed safer that the 
Latins should be defended without arming them, 
than that they should be suffered to resume their 
weapons. Vetusius the consul was dispatched to 
them, and this ended the pillaging. The Aequi left 
the fields, and trusting more to situation than to 
arms, secured themselves on the summits of the 
ridges. The other consul marched against the Volsci. 
Lest he too might waste his time, he provoked the 

2 Apparently the Latins, perhaps after the battle of Lake 
Regillus (chap. xix. f. ), had been denied the right to make 
war, save at the pleasure of the Romans. 



A.U.C. ad conferenda propius castra dimicandumque acie 

11 excivit. Medio inter castra campo ante suum quis- 

12 que vallum infestis signis constitere. Multitudine 
aliquantum Volsci superabant ; itaque effusi et con- 
temptim pugnam iniere. Consul Romanus nee pro- 
movit aciem nee clamorem reddi passus defixis pilis 
stare suos iussit : ubi ad manum venisset hostis, turn 

13 coortos 1 tota vi gladiis rem gerere. Volsci cursu et 
clamore fessi cum se velut stupentibus metu intulis- 
sent Romanis, postquam impressionem sensere ex 
adverse factam et ante oculos micare gladios, baud 
secus quam si in 2 insidias incidissent, turbati vertunt 
terga ; et ne ad fugam quidem satis virium fuit, quia 

14 cursu in proelium ierant. Romani contra, quia prin- 
cipio pugnae quieti steterant, vigentes corporibus, 
facile adepti fessos et castra impetu ceperunt et 
castris exutum hostem Velitras persecuti uno agmine 

15 victores cum victis in urbem inrupere ; pi usque ibi 
sanguinis promiscua omnium generum caede quam 
in ipsa dimicatione factum. Faucis data venia, qui 
inermes in deditionem venerunt. 

XXXI. Dum haec in Volscis geruntur, dictator 

Sabinos, ubi longe plurimum belli fuerat, fundit 

2 exuitque 3 castris. Equitatu immisso mediam turba- 

1 coortos V1\ cohortos (or -es) n. 

2 quam si in 5- : quam At : quam si H. 

3 exuitque Walten : fugatque exuit fi : f ugaque exuitque M. 


BOOK II. xxx. lo-xxxi. 2 

enemy, chiefly by ravaging their lands, to bring their B.C. 494 
camp nearer and do battle with him. In the plain 
between the camps the two armies formed their 
lines, each in front of its own stockade. In numbers 
the Volsci were somewhat superior, and accordingly 
they came on in a loose and careless order. The 
Roman consul did not advance, nor did he allow a 
response to the enemy's shout. He commanded his 
men to plant their spears in the ground and stand 
still until the enemy had come to close quarters ; 
then they were to assail them with all their might, 
and settle the question with the sword. The Volsci, 
weary with running and shouting, hurled themselves 
upon the Romans, who seemed to be numb with fear. 
But when the attackers found that their charge was 


firmly met and saw the swords flash in their faces, 
they were no whit less confounded than if they had 
fallen into an ambush, and turned and fled; and even 
flight was beyond their strength, since they had been 
running as they entered the battle. The Romans on 
the contrary, having stood at ease at the begin- 
ning of the fight, were fresh and strong ; they 
readily caught up with the exhausted Volsci, and 
having taken their camp with a rush, pursued their 
enemies beyond it to Velitrae, where vanquished and 
victors burst into the city in one body. More blood 
was shed there, in the promiscuous slaughter of all 
sorts of people, than had been in the battle itself. 
A very few were granted quarter, having come with- 
out arms and given themselves up. 

XXXI. While these things were going on in the 
Volscian country, the dictator put to rout the Sabines 
by far Rome's most important enemy and cap- 
tured their camp. Attacking with his cavalry, he 


VOL. I. M 


A.U.C. verat hostium aciem, quam, 1 dum se cornua latius 
pandunt, parum apte introrsum ordinibus 2 firmave- 
rant ; turbatos pedes invasit. Eodem impetu castra 

3 capta debellatumque est. Post pugnam ad Regillum 
lacum non alia illis annis pugna clarior fuit. Dictator 
triumphans urbem invehitur. Super solitos honores 
locus in circo ipsi posterisque ad spectaculum datus, 

4 sella in eo loco curulis posita. Volscis devictis Veli- 
ternus ager ademptus ; Velitras coloni ab urbe missi 
et colonia deducta. Cum Aequis post aliquanto pug- 
natum est invito quidem consul e, quia loco iniquo 

5 subeundum erat ad hostes ; sed milites extrahi rem 
criminantes ut dictator, priusquam ipsi redirent in 
urbem magistratu abiret, inritaque, sicut ante con- 
sul is, promissa eius caderent, perpulere ut forte 

6 temere in adversos montes agmen erigeret. Id male 
commissum ignavia hostium in bonum vertit qui, 
priusquam ad coniectum teli veniretur, obstupefacti 
audacia Romanorum relictis castris, quae munitissimis 
tenuerant locis, in aversas 3 valles desiluere. Ibi 4 
satis praedae et victoria incruenta fuit. 

7 Ita trifariam re bello bene gesta, de domesticarum 
rerum eveiitu nee patribus nee plebi cura deces- 

1 quam Dt: quia OH: qua H. 

a ordinibus Gronov.'. ordinibus aciem li. 

3 aversas Tan. Faber : aduersas fl. * Ibi 5- : ubi n. 

1 That this apparently unique distinction was actually 
conferred on the Valerii is confirmed by an honorary inscrip- 
tion (C.I.L. i. 284). 


BOOK II. xxxi. 2-7 

made havoc of their centre, which, in extending B.C. 494 
their wings too widely, they had unduly weakened; 
and in the midst of the disorder the infantry assailed 
them. By a single rush the camp was captured and 
the war ended. From the time of the fight at Lake 
Regillus no other battle of those days was more 
famous. The dictator entered the City in triumph. 
In addition to the customary honours a place was 
assigned him in the circus, for himself and his de- 
scendants, to witness the games, and a curule chair 
was put there for him. 1 The Volsci, having been 
conquered, were deprived of the Veliternian land ; 
colonists were sent from the City to Velitrae and a 
colony was planted. Soon after this there was a 
battle with the Aequi, though the consul was against 
it, for it was necessary to approach the enemy from 
unfavourable ground ; but his men accused him of 
dragging out the campaign in order that the dictator 
might relinquish his office before their return to the 
City, and his promises thus come to naught, as 
the consul's promises had done before. Vetusius was 
thus driven to order an advance at random, up the 
mountains which confronted him. This ill-advised 
measure the enemy's cowardice turned into success, 
for before the Romans had come within a spear's 
throw, the Aequi, appalled at their audacity, aban- 
doned the camp which they had maintained in a 
highly defensible position, and threw themselves 
down into the valleys on the other side. There the 
Romans gained considerable booty and a bloodless 

Though a threefold success had thus been gained 
in the war, neither senators nor plebeians had been 
relieved of their anxiety respecting the outcome of 


serat ; tanta cum gratia turn arte praeparaverant 
faeneratores quae non nioclo plcbcin sed ipsuni etiam 

S dictatorem frustrarentur. Nainque Valerius post 
Vetusi consulis reditum omnium actionum in senatu 1 
priinam habuit pro victore populo, rettulitque quid 

9 de nexis fieri placeret. Quae cum reiecta rclatio 
esset, "Non placeo," inquit, "concordiae atictor ; 
optabitis, mediusfidius, propediem ut mei similes 
Romana plebes patronos liabeat. Quod ad me atti- 
net, neque frustrabor ultra cives meos neque ipse 

10 frustra dictator ero. Discordiae intestinae, bellum 
externum fecere ut hoc magistratu egeret res pub- 
lica : pax foris parta est, domi impeditur ; privatus 
potius quam dictator seditioni interero." Ita curia 

11 egressus dictatura se abdicavit. Apparuit causa 
plebi, suam vicem indignantem magistratu abisse. 
Itaque velut persoluta fide, quoniam per eum non 
stetisset quin praestaretur, decedentem domum cum 
favore ac laudibus prosecuti sunt. 

XXXII. Timor inde patres incessit ne, si dimissus 
exercitus foret, rursus coetus occulti coniurationesque 
fierent. Itaque^ quamquam per dictatorem dilectus 
habitus esset,, tamen, quoniam in consul um vcrba 
iurassent, Sacramento teneri militem rati, per causam 

1 in senatu F 3 U?: in senatum n. 

BOOK 11 xxxi. 7-xxxn. i 

affairs at home, so great was the artfulness, as well B.C. 494 
as influence, with which the money-lenders had laid 
their plans to baffle not only the commons but even 
the dictator himself. For after the return of the 
consul Vetusius, the first business which Valerius 
brought before the senate was in behalf of the vic- 
torious people, that the senate might declare its 
policy regarding the treatment of those bound over 
for debt. This resolution having failed to pass, the 
dictator said : " I do not please you in urging 
harmony. You will soon wish, I warrant you, that 
the Roman plebs had men like me for their spokes- 
men. For my own part I will not be the means of 
further disappointing my fellow citizens, nor will 
I be dictator to no purpose. Internal strife and 
foreign war made this office necessary to the nation ; 
peace has been secured abroad, but at home it is 
being thwarted ; I will play my part as a private 
citizen rather than as a dictator, when the mutiny 
breaks out." So saying he left the Curia and 
laid down his office. It was evident to the people 
that resentment of their wrongs had caused him to 
resign the magistracy. And so, as though he had 
kept his pledge (for it had not been his fault that it 
was not being carried out), they attended him as he 
retired to his house with manifestations of favour and 

XXXI I. Thereupon the senators became alarmed, 
fearing that if the army should be disbanded there 
would again be secret gatherings and conspiracies. 
And so, although the levy had been held by order ot 
the dictator, yet because the men had been sworn in 
by the consuls they regarded the troops as bound by 
their oath, and, under the pretext that the Aequi 



A.U.C. renovati ab Aequis belli educi ex urbe legiones 

2 iussere. Quo facto maturata est seditio. Et primo 
agitatum dicitur de consulum caede, ut solverentur 
Sacramento ; doctos deinde nullam scelere religionem 
exsolvi, Sicinio quodam auctore iniussu consulum in 
Sacrum montem secessisse trans Anienem amnem 

3 est, tria ab urbe milia passuum ; ea frequentior fama 
est quam, cuius Piso auctor est, in Aventinum seces- 

4 sionem factam esse ; ibi sine ullo duce vallo fos- 
saque communitis castris quieti, rem nullam nisi 
necessariam ad victum sumendo, per aliquot dies 

5 neque lacessiti neque lacessentes sese tenuere. Pavor 
ingens in urbe, metuque mutuo suspensa erant om- 
nia. Timere relicta ab suis plebes violentiain pa- 
trum ; timere patres residem in urbe plebem, incerti 

6 manere earn an abire mallent. Quamdiu autem tran- 
quillam quae secesserit multitudinem fore ? Quid 
futurum deinde, si quod externum interim bellum 

7 exsistat ? Nullam profecto nisi in concordia civium 
spem reliquam ducere ; earn per aequa per iniqua 

8 reconciliandam civitati esse. Placuit igitur oratorem 
ad plebem mitti Menenium Agrippam, facundum 
virum, et quod inde oriundus erat, plebi carum. Is 
intromissus in castra prisco illo dicendi et horrido 

9 modo nihil aliud quam hoc narrasse fertur : tempore 

1 Livy appears to have had the other tradition in mind 
when he wrote ill. liv. 9. 

2 If Menenius was a plebeian, it is improbable that he was 
also, as Livy rather implies, a senator, cf. i. 11 and note. 


BOOK II. xxxn. 1-9 

had recommenced hostilities, gave orders to lead the B.C. 494 
legions out of the City. This brought the revolt to 
a head. At first, it is said,, there was talk of killing 
the consuls, that men might thus be freed from their 
oath ; but when it was explained to them that no 
sacred obligation could be dissolved by a crime, they 
took the advice of one Sicinius, and without orders 
from the consuls withdrew to the Sacred Mount, 
which is situated across the river Anio, three miles 
from the City. This version of the story is more 
general than that given by Piso, namely that the 
Aventine was the place of their secession. 1 There, 
without any leader, they fortified their camp with 
stockade and trench, and continued quietly, taking 
nothing but what they required for their subsist- 
ance, for several days, neither receiving provocation 
nor giving any. There was a great panic in the City, 
and mutual apprehension caused the suspension of all 
activities. The plebeians, having been abandoned 
by their friends, feared violence at the hands of the 
senators ; the senators feared the plebeians who 
were left behind in Rome, being uncertain whether 
they had rather they stayed or went. Besides, 
how long would the seceding multitude continue 
peaceable ? What would happen next if some foreign 
war should break out in the interim ? Assuredly no 
hope was left save in harmony amongst the citizens, 
and this they concluded they must restore to the 
state by fair means or foul. They therefore decided 
to send as an ambassador to the commons Agrippa 
Menenius, an eloquent man and dear to the plebeians 
as being one of themselves by birth. 2 On being ad- 
mitted to the camp he is said merely to have related 
the following apologue, in the quaint and uncouth 



A.U.C. quo in homine non, ut nunc. omnia in unum consen- 


tiant, scd singulis membris suum cuique consilium 
suus sermo fuerit, indignatas reliquas partes sua cura 
suo labore ac ministerio ventri omnia quaeri, ven- 
trem in medio quietum nihil aliud quam datis volup- 

10 tatibus frui ; conspirasse inde ne manus ad os cibum 
ferrent, nee os acciperet datum, nee dentes quae 
acciperent conficerent. 1 Hac ira dum ventrem fame 
domare vellent, ipsa una membra totumque corpus 

11 ad extremam tabem venisse. Inde apparuisse ven- 
tris quoque haud segne ministerium esse, nee magis 
ali quam alere eum, reddentem in omnis corporis 
partes hunc quo vivimus vigemusque,, divisum pariter 

12 in venas, maturum confecto cibo sanguinem. Com- 
parando hinc quam intestina corporis seditio similis 
esset irae plebis in patres, flexisse mentes hominum. 

A.U.C. XXXIII. Agi deinde de concordia coeptum conces- 


sumque in condiciones ut plebi sui magistratus essent 
sacrosancti, quibus auxilii latio adversus consules 
esset, neve cui patrum capere eum magistratum lice- 
2 ret. Ita tribuni plebei creati duo, C. Licinius et 
L. Albinus. Ii 2 tres collegas sibi creaverunt. In his 

1 quae acviperent conficerent Walters : acciperent . que 
conficerent O : acciperentque conficerent fl : conficerent 
PFJ3D S U (winch last has ne/br nee). 

2 Ii Conway and Walters: hii n : hi UOH. 

1 The same apologue is found inXenophon, Mem. n. iii. 18; 
Cicero, Off. in. v. 22 ; and St. Paul, Cor. I. xii. 12. 

3 2 4 

BOOK II. xxxn. 9-xxxm. 2 

style of that age : In the days when man's members B.C 494 
did not all agree amongst themselves, as is now the 
case, but had each its own ideas and a voice of its 
own, the other parts thought it unfair that they 
should have the worry and the trouble and the 
labour of providing everything for the belly, while 
the belly remained quietly in their midst with no- 
thing to do but to enjoy the good things which they 
bestowed upon it ; they therefore conspired together 
that the hands should carry no food to the mouth, 
nor the mouth accept anything that was given it, 
nor the teeth grind up what they received. While 
they sought in this angry spirit to starve the belly 
into submission, the members themselves and the 
whole body were reduced to the utmost weakness. 
Hence it had become clear that even the belly had 
no idle task to perform, and was no more nourished 
than it nourished the rest, by giving out to all parts 
of the body that by which we live and thrive, when 
it has been divided equally amongst the veins and 
is enriched with digested food that is, the blood. 
Drawing a parallel from this to show how like was 
the internal dissension of the bodily members to the 
anger of the plebs against the Fathers, he prevailed 
upon the minds of his hearers. 1 XXXIII. Steps B.C. 493 
were then taken towards harmony, and a compro- 
mise was effected on these terms : the plebeians 
were to have magistrates of their own, who should 
be inviolable, and in them should lie the right to 
aid the people against the consuls, nor should any 
senator be permitted to take this magistracy. And 
so they chose two "tribunes of the people," Gaius 
Licinius and Lucius Albinus. These appointed three 
others to be their colleagues. Amongst the latter, 



A u.c. Sicinium fuisse, seditionis auctorem : de duobus, qui 

3 fuerint, minus convenit. Sunt qui duos tan turn in 
Sacro monte creates tribunes esse dicant ibique 
sacratam legem latam. 

Per secessionem plebis Sp. Cassius et Postumus 1 

4 Cominius consulatum inierunt. lis 2 consulibus cum 
Latiiiis populis ictum foedus. Ad id feriendum con- 
sul alter Romae mansit : alter ad Volscum bellum 
missus Antiates Volscos fundit fugatque, compulsos 
in oppidum Longulam persecutus moenibus potitur. 

5 Inde protinus Poluscam, item 3 Volscorum, cepit ; 
turn magna vi adortus est Coriolos. Erat turn in 
castris inter primores iuvenum Cn. Marcius, 4 adules- 
cens et consilio et manu promptus, cui cognomen 

6 postea Coriolano fuit. Cum subito exercitum Ro- 
manum Coriolos obsidentem atque in oppidanos, quos 
intus clausos habebat, intentum sine ullo metu ex- 
trinsecus imminentis belli Volscae legiones profectae 
ab Antio invasissent, eodemque tempore ex oppido 

7 erupissent hostes, forte in statione Marcius fuit. Is 
cum delecta militum manu non modo impetum erum- 
pentium rettudit/ sed per patentem portam ferox 
inrupit, caedeque in proxima parte' 5 urbis facta ig- 

8 nem temere arreptum 7 imminentibus muro aedificiis 

1 Postumus $ Siyonius : Postumius H. 

2 iis MPFBO : his RDL : hiis UH?. 

3 protinus Poluscam, item Clurerius (cf. II. xxxix. 3) : 
protinus (-mus M) mus camitem (P) or mucamitem n. 

4 Cn. Marcius 5-: Ic martius M : c (ore) marcius fl. 
6 rettudit D : retrudit (or retudit or retulit) H. 

6 parte supplied by H, J. Midler. 

7 arreptum ed. Aid.: abreptum n. 

BOOK II. xxxm. 2-8 

Sicinius, the promoter of the revolt, was one, as all B.C. 493 
agree ; the identity of the other two is less certain. 
Some hold that there were only two tribunes elected 
on the Sacred Mount, and that the law of inviolability 
was enacted there. 1 

During the secession of the plebs Spurius Cassius 
and Postumus Cominius entered upon their consul- 
ship. In this year a treaty was made with the Latin 
peoples. In order to make this treaty one of the 
consuls remained in Rome, while the other was dis- 
patched to the Volscian war, and defeated and put to 
flight the Volsci of Antium. Forcing them to take 
refuge in the town of Longula, he followed them up 
and captured the place. Thence he proceeded to 
take Polusca, another Volscian town, after which he 
directed a strong attack upon Corioli. There was in 
camp at that time amongst the young nobles Gnaeus 
Marcius, a youth of active mind and ready hand, 
who afterwards gained the surname of Coriolanus. 
The Romans were laying siege to Corioli and were 
intent upon the townspeople shut up within the 
walls, with no thought of danger from any attack 
which might be impending from without, when they 
found themselves suddenly assailed by a Volscian 
army from Antium, and simultaneously by the be- 
sieged, who made a sortie from the town. It happened 
that Marcius was on guard. Taking a picked body 
of men he not only repelled the sally, but boldly 
forced his way through the open gate, and having 
spread carnage through the adjacent part of the 
town, caught up a firebrand on the spur of the 
moment, and threw it upon the buildings which 

1 In either case the number was five from the year 471 on 
(Iviii. 1), till it was raised to ten in the year 457. 

3 2 7 


A.U.C. iniecit. Clamor inde oppidanorum mixtus rnuliebri 


puerilique ploratu ad terrorem, ut solet, primum 
orto l et Romanis auxit animum et turbavit Volscos, 
utpote capta urbe cui 2 ad ferendam opem venerant. 
9 Ita fusi Volsci Antiates, Corioli oppidum captum ; 
tantumque sua laude obstitit famae consulis Marcius 
ut, nisi foedus cum Latinis in 3 columna aenea in- 
sculptum monumento esset, ab Sp. Cassio uno, quia 
collega afuerat, ictum. Postumum 4 Cominium bellum 

c* -* J 

gessisse cum Volscis memoria cessisset. 

10 Eodem anno Agrippa Menenius moritur, vir omni 
in vita 5 pariter patribus ac plebi carus, post secessio- 

11 nem carior plebi factus. Huic interpret! arbitroque 
concordiae civium, legato patrum ad plebem, reduc- 
tori plebis Romanae in urbem_, sumptus funeri defuit; 
extulit eum plebs sextantibus 6 conlatis in capita. 

A . 1T . C . XXXIV. Consules deinde T. Geganius P. Minu- 

cius facti. Eo anno, cum et foris quieta omnia a 
bello essent et domi sanata discordia, aliud multo 

2 gravius malum civitatem invasit, caritas primum 
annonae ex incultis per secessionem plebis agris, 

3 fames deinde, qualis clausis solet. Ventumque ad 
interitum servitiorum utique et plebis esset, ni con- 
sules providissent dimissis passim ad frumentum co- 

1 primum orto Madcig : primo ortu ft. 

2 cui 5- : qui n. 

3 in supplied by H. J. Midler. 

4 Postumum 5- : Postumium n. 

5 omni in vita $- : omnium uita n. 

6 sextantibus r : extantibus n. 


BOOK II. xxxin. 8-xxxiv. 3 

overhung the wall. Theieupon the townspeople B.C. 493 
raised a shout, mingled with such a wailing of women 
and children as is generally heard at the first alarm. 
This brought new courage to the Romans and covered 
the Volsci with confusion as was natural when the 
city which they had come to relieve was taken. Thus 
the men of Antium were routed, and Corioli was won. 
So completely did the glory of Marcius overshadow 
the consul's fame, that, were it not for the record on 
a bronze column of the treaty with the Latins which 
was struck by Spurius Cassitis alone, in the absence 
of his colleague, men would have forgotten that 
Postumus Cominius had waged war on the Volsci. 

That same yearsaw the death of Agrippa Menenius, 
a man who throughout his life had been equally be- 
loved by patricians and plebeians, and who after the 
secession was even dearer to the commons. This 
mediator and umpire of civil harmony, this ambas- 
sador of the senators to the people, this restorer of 
the plebs to Rome, did not leave sufficient wealth to 
pay for a funeral. He was buried by the commons, 
who contributed a sextans 1 each to the cost. 

XXXIV. The consuls next chosen were Titus Ge- B.C. 
ganius and Publius Minucius. This year, though 492 ~ 491 
there was no war to occasion trouble from without 
and the breach at home had been healed, another 
and a much more serious misfortune befell the nation; 
for first the price of corn went up, from men's failure 
to cultivate the fields during the withdrawal of the 
plebs ; and this was followed by a famine, such as 
comes to a beleaguered city. It would have meant 
starvation for the slaves, at least, and the plebeians, 
had not the consuls met the situation by sending 

1 A sextans was the sixth part of an as, or pound of copper. 

3 2 9 


A.U.C. emendum non in Etruriam rnodo dextris ab Ostia 

262-263 T7 . _ 

litonbus laevoque per Volscos man usque ad Cumas, 
sed quaesitum in Sicilia l quoque ; adeo finitimorum 

4 odia longinquis coegerant indigere auxiliis. Fru- 
mentum Cumis cum coemptum esset, naves pro bonis 
Tarquiniorum ab Aristodemo tyranno, qui heres erat, 
retentae sunt ; in Volscis Pomptinoque ne emi qui- 
dem potuit ; periculum quoque ab impetu hominum 

6 ipsis frumentatoribus fuit ; ex Tuscis frumentum 
Tiberi venit ; eo sustentata est plebs. Incommode 
bello in tarn artis commeatibus vexati forent, ni 
Volscos iam moventes arma pestilentia ingens inva- 

6 sisset. Ea clade conterritis hostium animis, ut etiam 
ubi ea remisisset terrore aliquo tenerentur, et Veli- 
tris auxere numerum colonorum Romani, et Norbam 2 
in montis novam coloniam quae arx in Pomptino 
esset miserunt. 

7 M. Minucio deinde et A. Sempronio consulibus 
magna vis frumenti ex Sicilia advecta, agitatumque 

8 in senatu quanti plebi daretur. Multi venisse tem- 
pus premendae plebis putabant recuperandique iura 

9 quae extorta secessione ac vi patribus essent. In 
primis Marcius Coriolanus, hostis tribuniciae potes- 
tatis, "Si annonam," inquit, " veterem volunt, ius 
pristinum reddant patribus. Cur ego plebeios magis- 
tratus^ cur Sicinium potentem video sub iugum mis- 

1 quaesitum in Sicilia FBO : quaesitum in siciliam fl : in 
Sicilian! Crevitr. 

2 Norbam Duker : norbae (or -be) A. 


BOOK II. xxxiv. 3-9 

agents far and wide to buy up corn, not only to B.C 
Etruria, northwards along the coast from Ostia, and 
south past the Volsci by sea, all the way to Cumae, 
but even to Sicily so far afield had the enmity of 
Rome's neighbours driven her to seek for help. When 
grain had been purchased at Cumae the ships were 
held back by Aristodemus, the tyrant, in satisfaction 
for the property of the Tarquinii, whose heir he was. 
Among the Volsci and Pomptini the agents could 
not even make any purchases, and they were actually 
in danger from the violence of the people. From 
the Tuscans corn came in by way of the Tiber, and 
with this the plebs were kept alive. A disastrous 
war would have been added to the distresses arising 
from the scarcity of provisions,, had not a grievous 
pestilence descended upon the Volsci just as they 
were beginning hostilities. Its ravages so terrified 
the enemy that even after the worst of it was over 
they did not fully recover from their fear, and the 
Romans increased the number of colonists at Velitrae 
and sent out a new colony to Norba, in the mountains, 
as a stronghold for the Pomptine country. 

Next year, in the consulship of Marcus Minucius 
and Aulus Sempronius, a large quantity of grain was 
imported from Sicily, and the senate debated at 
what price it should be sold to the plebeians. Many 
thought the time had come for repressing the 
commons, and resuming the rights which they had 
violently extorted from the Fathers by secession. 
Conspicuous among these was Marcius Coriolanus, an 
enemy to the tribunician power, who said : "If they 
want corn at the old price let them restore to the 
senate its ancient rights. Why do I see plebeian 
magistrates, why do I, after being sent beneath 

33 1 



10 sus, et l tamquam ab latronibus redemptus ? Egone 


has indignitates diutius patiar quam necesse est? 
Tarquinium regcm qui non tulerim Sicinium feram? 
Secedat nunc, avocet plebem ; patet via in Sacrum 
montem aliosque colles. Rapiant frumenta ex agris 
nostris, quern ad modum tertio anno rapuere ; fruan- 

11 tur 2 annona quam furore suo fecere. Audeo dicere 
hoc malo domitos ipsos potius cultores agrorum fore 
quam ut armati per secessionem coli prohibeant." 

12 Haud tarn facile dictu est faciendumne fuerit quam 
potuisse arbitror fieri ut condicionibus laxandi anno- 
nam et tribuniciam potestatem et omnia invitis iura 
imposita patres demerent sibi. 

A .,-.c. XXXV. Et senatui nimis atrox visa sententia 

263' .. f 

est, et plebem ira prope armavit : tame se lam 
sicut hostes peti, cibo victuque fraudari ; pere- 
grinum frumentum, quae sola alimenta ex in- 
sperato fortuna dederit, ab ore rapi, nisi Gn. 
Marcio vincti dedantur tribuni, nisi de tergo plebis 
Romanae satisfiat. Eum sibi carnificem novum exor- 
2 turn, qui aut mod aut servire iubeat. In exeuntem 
e curia impetus factus esset, ni peropportune tribuni 
diem dixissent. Ibi ira est suppressa; se iudicem 

1 et inserted by Posf.gate. 

2 fruantur 5-: fruantur utantur VM : utantur fl. 

33 2 

BOOK II. xxxiv. 9~xxxv. 2 

the yoke and ransomed, as it Avere, from brigands, B.C. 
behold Sicinius in power ? Shall I endure these 
humiliations any longer than I must ? When I would 
not brook Tarquinius as king, must I brook Sicinius ? 
Let him secede now and call out the plebs ; the 
way lies open to the Sacred Mount and the other 
hills. Let them seize grain from our fields as they 
did two years ago. Let them enjoy the corn-prices 
they have brought about by their own madness. I 
make bold to say that this evil plight will so tame 
them that they will sooner till the land themselves 
than withdraw under arms and prevent its cultivation 
by others." It is not so easy to say whether it would 
have been right to do this, as it is clear, I think, that 
it lay \vithin the Fathers' power to have made such 
conditions for reducing the price of corn as to have 
freed themselves from the tribunician authority and 
all the terms which they had unwillingly agreed to. 

XXXV. Even the senate deemed the proposal too B.C. 491 
harsh, and the plebs were so angry that they almost 
resorted to arms. Starvation, they said, was now 
being employed against them, as though they were 
public enemies, and they were being defrauded of 
their food and sustenance ; the imported corn, their 
only supply, unexpectedly bestowed on them by 
Fortune, was to be snatched from their mouths un- 
less the tribunes should be delivered up in chains to 
Gnaeus Marcius, unless he should work his will on 
the persons of the Roman plebeians ; in him a new 
executioner had risen up against them, who bade them 
choose between death and slavery. When he came 
out from the Curia they would have set upon him, 
had not the tribunes, in the nick of time, appointed 
a day to try him ; whereupon their anger subsided, 



quisque, se dominum vitae necisque inimici factum 

3 videbat. Contemptim primo Marcius audiebat minas 
tribunicias : auxilii, non poenae ius datum illi potes- 
tati, plebisque non patrum tribunes esse. Sed adeo 
infensa erat coorta plebs, ut unius poena defungen- 

4 dum esset patribus. Restiterunt tamen adversae 
invidiae l usique sunt qua suis quisque, qua totius 
ordinis viribus. Ac primo temptata res est si dis- 
positis clientibus absterrendo singulos a coitionibus 

5 conciliisque disicere rem possent. Universi deinde 
processere quidquid erat patrum, reos diceres 
precibus plebem exposcentes unum sibi civem, unum 
senatorem, si innocentem absolvere nollent, pro no- 

6 cente donarent. Ipse cum die dicta non ad esset, 
perseveratum in ira est. Damnatus absens in Volscos 
exsulatum abiit minitans patriae hostilesque iam turn 
spiritus gerens. Venientem Volsci benigne excepere 
benigniusque in dies colebant, quo maior ira in suos 
eminebat crebraeque nunc querellae, mine minae 

7 percipiebantur. 2 Hospitio utebatur Atti Tulli. Longe 
is turn princeps Volsci nominis erat Romanisque sem- 
per infestus. Ita cum alterum vetus odium, alterum 

1 adversae invidiae H. J. Mailer : aduersa inuidia ft. 

2 percipiebantur td. Aid. (in Errata) : praecipiebantur fl. 

1 The clients were a class distinct both from the plebs and 
the patricians. To the latter they stood in the feudal rela- 
tion of vassal to lord. They were perhaps originally citizens 
of conquered towns, and were recruited by manumissions and 


BOOK II. xxxv. 2-7 

for every man saw that he was himself made his B.C. 491 
enemy's judge, and held over him the power of life 
and death. With contempt at first Marcius heard 
the threats of the tribunes, alleging that the right 
to help, not to punish, had been granted to that 
office, and that they were tribunes not of the Fathers, 
but of the plebs. But the commons had risen in such 
a storm of anger that the Fathers had to sacrifice 
one man to appease them. For all that, they resisted 
the hatred of their adversaries and called upon the 
private resources of the several senators, as well as 
the strength of the entire order. At first they tried, 
by posting their clients l here and there, to frighten 
persons from coming together for deliberation, in the 
hope that they might thereby break up their plans. 
Then they came out in a body you would have said 
all the members of the senate were on their trial 
and entreated the plebs to release to them one 
citizen, one senator ; if they were unwilling to acquit 
him as innocent let them give him up, though guilty, 
as a favour. But when Marcius himself, on the day 
appointed for the hearing, failed to appear, men's 
hearts were hardened against him. Condemned in 
his absence, he went into exile with the Volsci, 
uttering threats against his country, and even then 
breathing hostility. When he came among the Volsci 
they received him with a kindness which increased 
from one day to the next, in proportion as he allowed 
a greater hatred of his own people to appear, and 
was more and more frequently heard to utter both 
complaints and threats. His host was Attius Tullius, 
at that time bv far the foremost of the Volscian 


name and ever unfriendly to the Romans. And so, 
spurred on, the one by his inveterate hatred and 


A.O.C. ira recens stimularet. consilia conferunt de Romano 


8 bello. Haud facile credebant plebem suam impelli 
posse ut totiens infeliciter temptata arrna caperent : 
multis saepe bellis, pestilentia postremo amissa iu- 
ventute fractos spiritus esse ; arte agendum in exo- 
leto iam vetustate odio, ut recenti aliqua ira exacer- 
barentur animi. 

XXXVI. Ludi forte ex instauratione magni Romae 
parabantur. Instaurandi haec causa fuerat. Ludis 
mane servum quidam pater familiae nondum com- 
misso spectaculo sub furca caesum medio egerat 
circo ; coepti inde ludi, velut ea res nihil ad religio- 

2 nem pertinuisset. Haud ita multo post T. Latinio, 
de plebe homini, somnium fuit ; visus luppiter dicere 
sibi ludis praesultatorem displicuisse ; nisi magnifice 
instaurarentur ei ludi, periculum urbi fore ; iret, ea 

3 consulibus nuntiaret. Quamquam hand sane liber 
erat religione animus, verecundia tamen maiestatis 

O J 

magistratuum timorque l vicit, ne in ora hominum 

4 pro ludibrio abiret. Magno illi ea cunctatio stetit ; 
filium namque intra paucos dies amisit. Cuius re- 
pentinae cladis ne causa dubia esset, aegro animi 
eadem ilia in somnis obversata species visa est rogi- 

1 timorque H. J. Mutter: timorem Q 

1 i.e. the Roman Games (cf. I. xxxv. 9). 

BOOK II. xxxv. 7-xxxvi. 4 

the other by fresh resentment, they took counsel B.C. 491 
together how they might make war on Rome. They 
believed that it would be no easy matter to induce 
the Volscian commons to take up the arms which 
they had so often unluckily essayed ; the destruction 
of their young men in oft-repeated wars, and finally 
by the plague, had, they supposed, broken their spirit ; 
artifice must be invoked, where hate had grown dull 
with lapse of time, that they might find some new 
cause of anger to exasperate men's hearts. 

XXXVI. It so happened that at Rome preparations 
were making to repeat the Great Games. 1 The reason 
of the repetition was as follows : at an early hour of 
the day appointed for the games, before the show 
had begun, a certain householder had driven his 
slave, bearing a yoke, through the midst of the circus, 
scourging the culprit as he went. The games had 
then been begun, as though this circumstance had 
in no way affected their sanctity. Not long after, 
Titus Latinius, a plebeian, had a dream. He dreamt 
that Jupiter said that the leading dancer at the 
games 2 had not been to his liking ; that unless there 
were a sumptuous repetition of the festival the City 
would be in danger ; that Latinius was to go and 
announce this to the consuls. Though the man's 
conscience was by no means at ease, nevertheless the 

ff S 

awe he felt at the majesty of the magistrates was too 
great ; he was afraid of becoming a laughing-stock. 
Heavy was the price he paid for his hesitation, for 
a few days later he lost his son. Lest this sudden 
calamity should leave any uncertainty as to its cause 
in the mind of the wretched man, the same phantom 
appeared again before him in his dreams, and asked 

2 i.e. the slave who had been scourged through the circus. 



A.U.C. tare, satin magnam spreti numinis haberet merce- 


dem ; maiorem instare, ni eat propere ac nuntiet 

5 consulibus. lam praesentior res erat. Cunctantem 
tamen ac prolatantem ingens vis morbi adorta est 

6 debilitate subita. Tune enimvero deorum ira admo- 
nuit. Fessus igitur malis praeteritis instantibusque 
consilio propinquorum adhibito cum visa atque audita 
et obversatum totiens somno lovem, rninas irasque 
caelestes repraesentatas casibus suis exposuisset, con- 
sensu inde hand dubio 1 omnium qui aderant in forum 

7 ad consules lectica defertur. Inde in curiam iussu 
consulum delatus eadem ilia cum patribus ingenti 
omnium admiratione enarrasset, ecce aliud miracu- 

8 lum. Qui captus omnibus membris delatus in curiam 
esset, eum functum officio pedibus suis domum re- 
disse traditum memoriae est. 

XXXVII. Ludi quam amplissimi ut fierent senatus 
decrevit. Ad eos ludos auctore Attio Tullio vis 

2 magna Volscorum venit. Priusquam committerentur 
ludi, Tullius, ut domi compositum cum Marcio fuerat, 
ad consules venit ; dicit esse quae secreto agere de 

3 re publica velit. Arbitris remotis "Invitus," inquit, 
" quod sequius sit de meis civibus loquor. Non 
tamen admissum quicquam ab iis criminatum venio, 

1 dubio td. Aid.: dubie (or -ae) fl. 

BOOK II. xxxvi. 4-xxxvn. 3 

him, as he thought, whether he had been sufficiently B.O. 491 
repaid for spurning the gods ; for a greater recom- 
pense was at hand unless he went quickly and in- 
formed the consuls. This brought the matter nearer 
home. Yet he still delayed and put off going, till a 
violent attack of illness suddenly laid him low. Then 


at last the anger of the gods taught him wisdom. 
And so, worn out with his sufferings, past and present, 
he called a council of his kinsmen and explained 
to them what he had seen and heard, how Jupiter 
had so often confronted him in his sleep, and how 
the threats and anger of the god had been in- 
stantly fulfilled in his own misfortunes. Then, with 
the unhesitating approval of all who were present, 
he was carried on a litter to the consuls in the 
Forum ; and thence, by their command, to the Curia, 
where he had no sooner told the same story to the 
Fathers, greatly to the wonder of them all, when 
lo, another miracle ! For it is related that he who 
had been carried into the senate-house afflicted in 
all his members, returned home, after discharging 
his duty, on his own feet. 

XXXVII. Games of the greatest possible splendour 
were decreed by the senate, and to see them came, at 
the suggestion of Attius Tullius, a host of Volsci. 
Before the beginning of the spectacle Tullius, in 
pursuance of the plan he and Marcius had formed 
at home, went to the consuls and told them that he 
had something of public importance which he wished 
to discuss with them in private. When the bystanders 
had been removed,"! am loath," he said, "to tell 
concerning my countrymen what may discredit 
them. Still I do not come to charge them with 
having committed any crime, but to put you on your 



A.U.C. 4 sed eautum ne admittant. Nimio plus quam velim 


5 nostrorum ingenia sunt mobilia. Multis id cladibus 
sensimuSj quippe qui non nostro merito sed vestra 
patientia incolumes simus. Magna hie nunc Vols- 
corum multitude est ; ludi sunt; spectaculo intenta 

6 civitas erit. Memini quid per eandem occasionem 
ab Sabinorum iuventute in hac urbe commissum sit ; 
horret animus ne quid inconsulte ac temere fiat. 
Haec nostra vestraque causa prius dicenda vobis, 

7 consules, ratus sum. Quod ad me attinet, extemplo 
hinc domum abire in animo est, ne cuius facti dic- 
tive contagione praesens violer." Haec locutus abiit. 

8 Consules cum ad patres rem dubiam sub auctore certo 
detulissent, auctor magis, ut fit, quam res ad prae- 
cavendum vel ex supervacuo movit ; factoque sena- 
tus consulto ut urbe l excederent Volsci, praecones 
dimittuntur qui omnes eos proficisci ante noctem 

9 iuberent. Ingens pavor primo discurrentis ad suas 
res tollendas in hospitia perculit ; proficiscentibus 
deinde indignatio oborta se ut consceleratos con- 
taminatosque ab ludis, festis diebus, coetu quodam 
modo hominum deorumque abactos esse. XXXVIII. 
Cum prope continuato agmine irent, praegressus 
Tullius ad caput Ferentinum, ut quisque veniret, 2 
primores eorum excipiens querendo indignandoque, 

1 urbe H$- : urbem H. a veniret 5- : eueniret H. 


BOOK II. xxxvn. 3-xxxvin. i 

guard lest they should commit one. The disposition B.C. 491 
of our people is far more fickle than I could wish. 
Many disasters have taught us the truth of this, 
since it is not to our own merit, but to your patience, 
that we owe our preservation. A great crowd of 
Volsci is now in Rome ; there are games ; the citizens 
will be intent upon the spectacle. I remember what 
the Sabine youths did in this City on the same op- 
portunity arising; I tremble lest something ill-advised 
and rash may happen. It has seemed to me that 
both on our account and on yours I ought to tell you 
this beforehand, consuls. For my own part I intend 
to go home at once, lest being on the spot 1 might 
be implicated in some act or word and be compro- 
mised." With this he departed. The consuls laid 
before the senate this vague warning which came 
from so reliable a source. It was the source, as 
often happens, rather than the story, which induced 
them to take precautions, even though they might 
prove superfluous. The senate decreed that the 
Volsci should leave the City, and heralds were sent 
about to command them all to depart before night- 
fall. At first they were stricken with a great alarm, 
as they hurried this way and that to the houses of 
their hosts to get their things. But when they had 
started, their hearts swelled with indignation, that 
like malefactors and polluted persons, they should 
have been driven off from the games at a time of 
festival, and excluded, in a way, from intercourse 
with men and gods. XXXVIII. As they journeyed 
on in an almost unbroken line, Tullius, who had 
gone ahead, arrived before them at the source of 
the Ferentina. There, when any of their chief men 
arrived, he met them with words of complaint and 


A.U.C. et eos ipsos sedulo audientes secunda irae verba et 


per eos multitudinem aliam in subiectum viae cam- 

2 pum deduxit. Ibi in contionis modum orationem 
exorsus, " Ut omnia," inquit, " obliviscamini alia, 
veteres populi llomani iniurias cladesque gentis Vols- 
corum, 1 hodiernam hanc contumeliam quo tandem 
animo fertis, qua per nostram ignominiam ludos 

3 commisere ? An non sensistis triumphatum hodie 
de vobis esse ? Vos omnibus, civibus, peregrinis, tot 
finitimis populis, spectaculo abeuntes fuisse, vestras 
coniuges, vestros liberos traductos per ora hominum ? 

4 Quid eos qui audivere vocem praeconis, quid qui nos 
videre abeuntes, quid eos qui huic ignominioso ag- 
mini fuere obvii existimasse putatis, nisi aliquod 
profecto nefas esse, quod, si intersimus spectaculo, 
violaturi simus ludos piaculumque merituri, ideo nos 

6 ab sede piorum, coetu concilioque abigi ? Quid 
deinde ? Illud non succurrit, vivere nos quod matu- 
rarimus proficisci ? Si hoc profectio et non fuga 
est. Et hanc urbem vos non hostium ducitis, ubi si 
unum diem morati essetis, moriendum omnibus fuit ? 
Bellum vobis indictum est, magno eorum malo qui 

6 indixere, si viri estis." Ita et sua sponte irarum 

1 The, words veteres . . . Volscorum, placed here by 
Walters, art given in the MSS. after exorsus. 


BOOK II. xxxvin. 1-6 

indignation. These leaders, eagerly drinking in the B.C. 491 
words with which he ministered to their anger, he 
conducted and, thanks to their influence, the rest of 
the throng also, to a field which lay below the road. 
There he launched out upon a speech like a general's 
harangue. "Though you should forget all else," he 
cried, " the ancient wrongs done by the Roman 
People and the disasters that have overtaken the 
Volscian race, with what feelings, pray, can you bear 
the insult which this day has brought to us, making 
our humiliation serve as the opening of their festival ? 
Or did you not feel that they were triumphing over 
you to-day? That you furnished a spectacle to 
everybody when you departed to the citizens, to 
the strangers, to all the neighbouring nations? That 
your wives and children were made a mock in the 
eyes of the world ? What of those who heard the 
words of the herald ? What of those who saw us 
going away ? What of those who have met this ig- 
nominious procession ? What think you they all 
supposed, but that we were certainly attainted of 
some sin ; that because, were we to be present at 
the spectacle, we should pollute the games and incur 
the god's displeasure for that reason we were being 
expelled from the seat of the righteous and from 
their gathering and their council? Moreover, does 
it not occur to you that we are alive because we 
hastened to depart ? if, indeed, this is a departure 
and not rather a flight. And this City do you not 
regard it as a city of enemies, when if you had 
delayed there a single day, you would all have had 
to die? War has been declared upon you, and greatly 
shall they rue it who have been responsible, if you 
are men." So, their spontaneous anger fanned to a 



A.UC. pleni et incitati domes inde digress! sunt instigan- 
203 doque suos quisque populos effecere ut omne Vols- 

cum nomen deficeret. 

A.U.C. XXXIX. Imperatores ad id bellum de omnium 

populorum sententia lecti Attius Tullius et Cn. Mar- 
cius, exsul Romanus, in quo aliquanto plus spei re- 

2 positum. Quam spem nequaquam fefellit, ut facile 
appareret ducibus validiorem quam exercitu rein 
Romanam esse. Circeios profectus primum colonos 
inde Romanos expulit liberamque earn urbem Volscis 

3 tradidit ; Satricum, Longulam, Poluscam, Coriolos, 

4 novella haec Romanis oppida ademit ; inde Lavinium 
recepit ; inde in Latinam viam transversis tramitibus 
transgressus, 1 tune deinceps Corbionem, Veteliam, 

5 Trebium, Labicos, Pedum cepit. Postremum ad 
urbem a Pedo d licit et ad fossas Cluilias 2 quinque ab 
urbe milia passuum castris positis populatur inde 

6 agrum Romanum custodibus inter populatores missis, 
qui patriciorum agros intactos servarent, sive in- 
fensus plebi magis, sive ut discordia inde inter patres 

7 plebemque oreretur. Quae profecto orta esset 
adeo tribuni iam ferocem per se plebem criminando 
in primores civitatis instigabant, sed externus timor, 
maximum concordiae vinculum, quamvis suspectos 

8 infensosque inter se iungebat animos. Id modo non 
conveniebat, quod senatus consulesque nusquam alibi 
spem quam in armis ponebant, plebes omnia quam 

9 bellum malebat. Sp. Nautius iam et Sex. Furius 

1 The ivords inde in Latinam . . . transgressus, placed here 
by Conway and Walters, are. found in the MSS. between 
tradidit and Satricum. 

2 Cluilias Glareanus (cf. i. xxii. 4) : cluuilias (or cluuillas 
or cliuillas or cluullas or duuillias) n. 


BOOK II. xxxvin. 6-xxxix. 9 

flame, they dispersed to their several homes, and, B.C. 491 
every man arousing his own people, they brought 
about a revolt of the entire Volscian name. 

XXXIX. As generals for this war the nations all B - r - 4sS 
agreed in choosing Attius Tullius and Gnaeus Mar- 
cius, the Roman exile, who inspired rather more hope 
than did his colleague. This hope he by no means 
disappointed, so that it was easy to see that Rome's 
commanders were a greater source of strength to 
her than her armies were. Marching first to Circei, 
he drove out the Roman colonists from that city 
and turned it over, thus liberated, to the Volsci. 
He took Satricum, Longula, Polusca, and Corioli, 
places which the Romans had recently acquired. 
He then recovered Lavinium, and then, passing over 
by cross-roads into the Latin Way, captured in suc- 
cession Corbio, Vetelia, Trebium, Labici, and Pedum. 
From Pedum he finally led his army against Rome 
and, pitching his camp at the Cluilian Trenches, five 
miles from the City, laid waste the Roman territory 
from that base, sending out guards with the pillagers 
to preserve intact the farms of the patricians, whether 
from anger at the plebs, or to sow dissension between 
them and the Fathers. And no doubt it would have 
sprung up, so vehemently did the tribunes seek by 
their accusations to rouse the already headstrong 
commons against the nation's leaders, but dread ot 
invasion, the strongest bond of harmony, tended to 
unite their feelings, however they might suspect and 
dislike one another. In this one point they were 
unable to agree, that the senate and the consuls saw 
no hope anywhere but in arms, while the plebs pre- 
ferred anything to war. Spurius Nautius and Sextus 



A.U.C. consules erant. Eos recensentes legiones, praesidia 
per muros aliaque in quibus stationes vigiliasque esse 
placuerat loca distribuentis multitude ingens pacem 
poscentium primum seditioso clamore conterruit, 
deinde vocare senatum, referre de legatis ad Cn. 

10 Marcium mittendis coegit. Acceperunt relationem 
patres, postquam apparuit labare plebis animos, mis- 

1 1 sique de pace ad Marcium oratores. Atrox respon- 
sum rettulerunt : si Volscis ager redderetur, posse 
agi de pace ; si praeda belli per otium frui velint, 
memorem se et civium iniuriae et hospitum beneficri 
adnisurum ut appareat exsilio sibi inritatos non 

12 fractos animos esse. Iterum deinde iidem missi 
non recipiuntur in castra. Sacerdotes quoque suis 
insignibus velatos isse supplices ad castra hostium 
traditum est ; nihilo magis quam legates flexisse 

A.U.C. XL. Turn matronae ad Veturiam, matrem Corio- 

lani, Volumniamque uxorem frequentes coeunt. Id 
publicum consilium an muliebris timor fuerit parum 

2 invenio ; pervicere certe ut et Veturia^ magno natu 
mulier, et Volumnia duos parvos ex Marcio ferens 
filios secum in castra hostium irent et, quoniam armis 
viri defendere urbem non possent, mulieres precibus 

3 lacrimisque defenderent. Ubi ad castra ventum est 

1 Livy implies that they were not the immediate successors 
of the consuls for 491, and in fact he seems to have omitted 
two sets, Q. Sulpicius Camerinus and Serg. Larcius Flavus 
(490), and C. Julius lulus and P. Pinarius Rtifus(489), though 
at in. xxxiii. 1 and v. liv. 5 he reckons in these two years. 
The missing names are supplied by Dion. Hal. vii. 68 and 
viii. 1. 


BOOK II. xxxix. 9~XL. 3 

Furius were now consuls. 1 While they were re- B.C. 488 
viewing their levies and distributing garrisons about 
the walls and the other places where they had seen 
fit to place pickets and sentries, a great multitude 
of people demanding peace first terrified them with 
their rebellious clamour, and then forced them to 
call the senate together and propose the sending of 
envoys to Gnaeus Marcius. The Fathers consented 
to propose it when they saw that the plebeians were 
growing discouraged, and ambassadors were sent to 
Marcius to treat for peace. Stern was the answer 
they brought back. If the land of the Volsci were 
restored to them the question of peace could be 
taken up ; if the Romans wished to enjoy the spoils 
of war without doing anything, he would forget 
neither the wrong his fellow-citizens had done him 
nor the kindness of his hosts, but would strive to 
show that exile had quickened his courage, not 
broken it. When the same envoys were sent back a 
second time, they were denied admittance to the 
camp. Even priests, wearing the appropriate fillets, 
are said to have gone as suppliants to the enemy's 
camp, where they were no more able than the envoys 
had been to alter the determination of Marcius. 

XL. Then the married women gathered in large B.C. 
numbers at the house of Veturia, the mother of Co- 
riolanus, and Volumnia, his wife. \Vhether this was 
public policy or woman's fear I cannot find out; in 
any case they prevailed with them that both Veturia, 
an aged woman, and Volumnia should take the two 
little sons of Marcius and go with them to the camp 
of the enemy ; and that, since the swords of the men 
could not defend the City, the women should defend 
it with their prayers and tears. When they reached 



A u.c. niintiatiimque Coriolano est adesse ingens mulierum 

2B6-JJ67 , . 

agmen, ut J qui nee pubhca matestate in legatis nee 
in sacerdotibus tanta oflfusa oculis animoque religione 
motus esset, multo obstinatior adversus lacrimas 

4 muliebres erat. Dein familiarium quidam qui in- 
signem maestitia inter ceteras cognoverat Veturiam 
inter iiurum nepotesque stantem, " Nisi me frustran- 
tur," inquit, " oculi, mater tibi coniunxque et liberi 

5 adsunt." Coriolanus prope ut amens consternatus 
ab sede sua cum ferret matri obviae complexum, 
mulier in iram ex precibus versa "Sine, priusquam 
complexum accipio, sciam," inquit, "ad hostem an ad 
filium venerim, captiva materne in castris tuis sim. 

6 In hoc me longa vita et infelix senecta traxit, ut 

7 exsulem te, deinde hostem vider.em ? Potuisti popu- 
lari hanc terrain, quae te genuit atque aluit ? Non 
tibi quamvis infesto animo et minaci perveneras 
ingredienti fines ira cecidit ? Non, cum in conspectu 
Roma fuit, succurrit ' Intra ilia moenia domus ac 

8 penates mei sunt, mater coniunx liberique ' ? Ergo 
ego nisi peperissem, Roma non oppugnaretur ; nisi 
filium haberem, libera in libera patria mortua essem. 
Sed ego nihil iam pati nee tibi turpius nee 2 mihi 
miserius possum nee, ut sum miserrima, diu futura 

9 sum : de his videris, quos, si pergis, aut immatura 

1 agmen ut 3 - : agmen in (ut B) primo ut H. 

2 nee Belcher : quam H : Conway and Walters read <us>- 
quam with M. Miiller, and order the words thus, ego mihi 
miserius nihil iam pati nee tibi turpius usquam possum. 


BOOK II. XL. 3-9 

the camp, and the word came to Coriolanus that a B c. 
great company of women was at hand, at first, as t88 ~ 487 
might have been expected of one whom neither the 
nation's majesty could move, as represented in its 
envoys, nor the awfulness of religion, as conveyed 
to heart and eye by the persons of her priests, he 
showed even greater obduracy in resisting women's 
tears. Then one of his friends, led by Veturia's 
conspicuous sadness to single her out from amongst 
the other women, as she stood between her son's 
wife and his babies, said : " Unless my eyes deceive 
me, your mother is here and your wife and children." 
Coriolanus started up like a madman from his seat, 
and running to meet his mother would have em- 
braced her, but her entreaties turned to anger, and 
she said : " Suffer me to learn, before I accept your 
embrace, whether I have come to an enemy or a 
son ; whether I am a captive or a mother in your 
camp. Is it this to which long life and an unhappy 
old age have brought me, that I should behold in you 
an exile and then an enemy ? Could you bring your- 
self to ravage this country, which gave you birth and 
reared you ? Did not your anger fall from you, no 
matter how hostile and threatening your spirit when 
you came, as you passed the boundary ? Did it not 
come over you, when Rome lay before your eyes : 
( Within those walls are my home and my gods, my 
mother, my wife, and my children ? ' So then, had 
I not been a mother Rome would not now be be- 
sieged ! Had I no son I should have died a free 
woman, in a free land ! But I can have nothing now 
to suffer which could be more disgraceful to you or 
more miserable for myself; nor, wretched though I 
am, shall I be so for long : it is these you must con- 
sider, for whom, if you keep on, untimely death or 


VOL. I. 


A.U.C. mors aut longa servitus manet." Uxor deinde ac 
liberi amplexi, fletusque ab omni turba mulierum 
ortus et comploratio sui patriaeque fregere tandem 

10 virum. Complexus inde suos dimittit : ipse retro ab 
urbe castra movit. Abductis deinde legionibus ex 
agro Romano invidia rei oppressum perisse tradant 
alii alio leto. Apud Fabium, longe antiquissimum 
auctorem, usque ad senectutem vixisse eundem in- 

11 venio ; refert certe hanc saepe eum exacta aetate 
usurpasse vocem, multo miserius seni exsilium esse. 
Non inviderunt laude sua mulieribus viri Romani- 

12 adeo sine obtrectatione gloriae alienae vivebatur, 
monumentoque l quod esset, templum Fortunae 
muliebri aedificatum dedicatumque est. 

Rediere deinde Volsci adiunctis Aequis in agrum 
Romanum, sed Aequi Attium Tullium baud ultra 

13 tulere ducem. Hinc ex certamine, Volsci Aequine 
imperatorem coniuncto exercitui darent, seditio, 
deinde atrox proelium ortum. Ibi fortuna populi 
Romani duos hostium exercitus hand minus perni- 
cioso quam pertinaci certamine confecit. 

14 Consules T. Sicinius et C. Aquilius. Sicinio Volsci, 
Aquilio Hernici nam ii quoque in armis erant 
provincia evenit. Eo anno Hernici devicti : cum 
Volscis aequo Marte discessum est. 

1 monumentoque Gronov.: monumento quoque H. 

1 For another account of Coriolanus, see Dion. Hal. viii. 12 
and viii. 17-56. 


BOOK II. XL. 9-14 

long enslavement is in store." The embraces of his B c . 
wile and children, following this speech, and the 48S - 487 
tears of the entire company of women, and their 
lamentations for themselves and their country, at 
last broke through his resolution. He embraced his 
family and sent them back, and withdrew his forces 
from before the City. Having then led his army out 
of Rome's dominions he is said to have perished 
beneath the weight of resentment which this act 
caused, by a death which is variously described. 
I find in Fabius, by far the oldest authority, that 
Coriolanus lived on to old age. At least he re- 
ports that this saying was often on his lips, that 
exile was a far more wretched thing when one was 
old. There was no envy of the fame the women had 
earned, on the part of the men of Rome so free 
was life in those days from disparagement of another's 
glory and to preserve its memory the temple of 
Fortuna Muliebris was built and dedicated. 1 

Afterwards the Volsci again invaded Roman soil, 
in conjunction with the Aequi, but these w r ould no 
longer put up with Attius Tullius for their general. 
Whereupon the dispute as to whether the Volsci or 
the Aequi should furnish a commander for the allied 
army, led to a quarrel, and this to a bloody battle. 
There the good fortune of the Roman People de- 
stroyed two hostile armies in one struggle, which 
was no less ruinous than it was obstinately fought. 

The consulship of Titus Sicinius and Gaius Aqui- 
lius. Sicinius got the Volscian war for his command, 
and Aquilius that with the Hernici for they too 
were up in arms. This year the Hernici were con- 
quered, while the campaign against the Volsci was 

A.U.C. XLI. Sp. Cassias delude et Proculus Verginius 


consules facti. Cum Hernicis foedus ictum ; agri 
partes duae ademptae. Inde dimidium Latinis, dimi- 

2 dium plebi divisurus consul Cassius erat. Adiciebat 
huic muneri agri aliquantum, quern publicum possi- 
deri a privatis criminabatur. Id multos quidem 
patrum, ipsos possessores, periculo rerum suarum 
terrebat ; sed et publica patribus sollicitudo inerat, 
largitione consulem periculosas libertati opes struere. 

3 Turn primum lex agraria promulgata est, numquam 
deinde usque ad hanc memoriam sine maximis moti- 

4 bus rerum agitata. Consul alter largitioni resistebat 
auctoribus patribus nee omni plebe adversante, quae 
primo coeperat fastidire munus volgatum a civibus 

5 esse in socios ; saepe deinde et Verginium consulem 
in contionibus velut vaticinantem audiebat, pestilens 
collegae munus esse, agros illos servitutem iis qui 

6 acceperint 1 laturos, regno viam fieri. Quid ita enim 
adsumi socios et nomen Latinum ? Quid attinuisse 2 
Hernicis, paulo ante hostibus, capti agri p irtem ter- 
tiam reddi, nisi ut hae gentes pro Coriolano duce 

7 Cassium habeant? Popularis iam esse dissuasor et 

1 acceperint Grynaeus : acceperant Ci. 

2 attinuisse R*!) 1 ^ : attinuisset n. 


BOOK II. XLI. 1-7 

XLI. Spurius Cassius and Proculus Verginius were B.C. 
then made consuls. A treaty was struck with the 86 ~ 48 
Hernici, and two-thirds of their land was taken from 
them. Of this the consul Cassius proposed to divide 
one half amongst the Latins and the other half 
amongst the plebeians. To this gift he wished to 
add some part of that land which, he charged, was 
held by individuals, although it belonged to the 
state. Whereupon many of the Fathers, being them- 
selves in possession of the land, took fright at the 
danger which threatened their interests. But the 
senators were also concerned on public grounds, 
namely, that the consul by his largesses should 
be building up an influence perilous to liberty. 
This was the first proposal for agrarian legislation, 
and from that day to within living memory it has 
never been brought up without occasioning the most 
serious disturbances. The other consul resisted the 
largess, and the Fathers supported him ; nor were the 
commons solidly against him, for to begin with, they 
had taken offence that the bounty had been made 
general, being extended to include allies as well as 
citizens ; and again, they often heard the consul Ver- 
ginius declare in his speeches, as though he read the 
future, that destruction lurked in the gift proposed 
by his colleague ; that those lands would bring ser- 
vitude to the men who should receive them, and 
were being made a road to monarchy* For what 
reason had there been, he asked, in including the 
allies and the Latin name, and in restoring to the 
Hernici, who had been enemies a short time before, 
a third of the land which had been taken from them,, 
if it were not that these tribes might have Cassius 
in the room of Coriolanus for their captain ? Popular 



A.U.C. intercessor lesris agrariae coeperat. Uterque deinde 


consul, ut certatim, plebi indulgere. Verginius dicere 
passurum se adsignari agros, dum ne cui nisi civi 

8 Romano adsignentur : Cassius, quia in agraria largi- 
tione ambitiosus in socios eoque civibus vilior erat, 
ut alio munere sibi reconciliaret civium animos, iu- 
bere pro Siculo frumento pecuniam acceptam retribui 

9 populo. Id vero baud secus quam praesentem mer- 
cedem regni aspernata plebes ; adeo propter suspi- 
cionem insitam regni, velut abundarent omnia, 

10 munera eius 1 respuebantur. Quern, ubi primum 
magistratu abiit, damnatum necatumque constat. 
Sunt qui patrem auctorem eius supplicii ferant : eum 
cognita domi causa verberasse ac necasse peculium- 
que filii Cereri consecravisse ; signum inde factum 

11 esse et inscriptum, "ex Cassia familia datum." In- 
venio apud quosdam, idque propius fidem est, a 
quaestoribus Caesone Fabio et L. Valeric diem dic- 
tam perduellionis, damnatumque populi iudicio, diru- 
tas publice aedes. Ea est area ante Telluris aedem. 

12 Ceterurn, sive illud domesticum sive publicum fuit 
iudicium, damnatur Servio Cornelio Q. Fabio consu- 

1 After eius the MSS. give in animis hominum, which is 
bracketed by Comvay (after Vitlhdber t who also ejects insitam). 


BOOK II. XLI. 7-12 

favour now began to go over to the opponent and B.C 
vetoer of the land-legislation. Each consul then 486 ~ 4S5 
began, as if vying with the other, to pamper the 
plebs. Verginius said that he would permit lands 
to be assigned, provided they were assigned to none 
but Roman citizens. Cassius, having by his proposed 
agrarian grants made a bid for the support of the 
allies and thereby lowered himself in the eyes of 
the Romans, desired to regain the affection of his 
fellow-citizens by another donation, and proposed 
that the money received from the Sicilian corn should 
be paid back to the people. But this the people 
spurned, as a downright attempt to purchase regal 
power ; to such an extent did their instinctive 
suspicion of monarchy render them scornful of his 
gifts, as if they had possessed a superfluity of every- 
thing ; and Cassius had no sooner laid down his 
office than he was condemned and executed, as 
all authorities agree. There are those who say 
that his father was responsible for his punish- 
ment : that he tried the case in his house, and that, 
after causing his son to be scourged and put to 
death, he consecrated to Ceres his personal property, 
from the proceeds of which a statue was made and 
inscribed "the gift of the Cassian family." I find 
in certain authors, and this is the more credible 
account, that the quaestors Caeso Fabius and Lucius 
Valerius brought him to trial for treason, and that 
he was found guilty by judgment of the people and 
his house pulled down by popular decree. Its site 
is now the open space in front of the temple ot 
Tellus, But whether it was a domestic or a state 
trial, he was condemned in the consulship of Servius 
Cornelius and Quintus Fabius. 



A.U.C. XLII. Haud diuturna ira populi in Cassium fuit. 

Dulcedo agrariae legis ipsa per se dempto auctore 
subibat animos, accensaque ea cupiditas est rnaligni- 
tate patrum, qui devictis eo anno Volscis Aequisque 

2 militem praeda fraudavere. Quidquid captum ex 
hostibus est, vendidit Fabius consul ac redegit in 
publicum. Invisum erat Fabium nomen plebi prop- 
ter novissimum consulem ; tenuere tamen patres, ut 

3 cum L. Aemilio Caeso Fabius consul crearetur. Eo 
infestior facta plebes seditione domestica bellum 
externum excivit. Bello deinde civiles discordiae 
intermissae. Uno animo patres ac plebs rebellantes 
Volscos et Aequos duce Aemilio prospera pugna 

4 vicere. Plus tamen hostium fuga quam proelium 
absumpsit, adeo pertinaciter fusos insecuti sunt 

5 equites. Castoris aedes eodem anno idibus Quin- 
tilibus dedicata est. Vota erat Latino bello a Pos- 
tumio l dictatore : filius eius duumvir ad id ipsum 
creatus dedicavit. 

G Sollicitati et eo anno sunt dulcedine agrariae legis 
animi plebis. Tribuni plebi popularem potestatem 
lege populari celebrabant : patres satis superque 
gratuiti furoris in multitudine credentes esse, largi- 

1 a Postumio du Rieu : Postumio n. 

1 The temple was erected in honour of both Castor and 
Pollux, but was commonly referred to by the name of the 
former alone (e.g. Cicero, Mil. 91). The duumviri were a com- 
mittee of two, appointed to oversee the construction and 

35 6 


XLII. It was not long before the people forgot B.C. 
the anger they had felt against Cassius. The in- 484 - 483 
herent attractiveness of the agrarian legislation ap- 
pealed to them on its own account, when its author 
had been removed, and their desire for it was enhanced 
by the meanness of the Fathers, who after the defeat 
in that year of the Volsci and the Aequi defrauded 
the soldiers of their booty. Whatever was taken 
from the enemy Fabius sold and placed the proceeds 
in the public treasury. The Fabian name was hateful 
to the plebs, on the last consul's account ; neverthe- 
less the patricians succeeded in procuring the election 
of Caeso Fabius to that office, along with Lucius Aemi- 
lius. This increased the rancour of the plebeians, 
and by their seditions at home they brought about a 
foreign war. The war then caused domestic strife to 
be interrupted, while with one mind and purpose pa- 
tricians and plebeians met the rebellious Volsci and 
Aequi and, led by Aemilius, defeated them in a suc- 
cessful action. Yet more of the enemy perished in 
flight than in the battle, so relentlessly did the cavalry 
pursue their routed forces. Castor's temple was dedi- 
cated the same year, on the fifteenth of July. It 
had been vowed during the Latin war by Postumius, 
the dictator. His son, being made duumvir for this 
special purpose, dedicated it. 1 

The desires of the plebs were this year again ex- 
cited by the charms of the land-law. The tribunes 
of the plebs endeavoured to recommend their demo- 
cratic office by a democratic law, while the senators, 
who thought there was frenzy enough and to spare 
in the populace, without rewarding it, shuddered at 

dedication of a temple when the man who had vowed it died 
without accomplishing his task. 



A.U.C. 7 tiones temeritatisque invitamenta horrebant. Acer- 


rimi patribus duces ad resistendum consules fuere. 
Ea igitur pars rei publicae vicit nee in praesens modo 
sed in venientem etiam annum M. Fabium, Caesonis 
fratrem, et magis invisum alter um plebi accusatione 

8 Sp. Cassi, L. Valerium, consules dedit. Certatum eo 
quoque anno cum tribunis est. Vana lex vanique 
legis auctores iactando inritum munus facti. Fabium 
inde nomen ingens post tres continuos consulatus 
unoque velut tenore omnes expertos tribuniciis cer- 
taminibus habitum ; itaque, ut bene locatus, mansit 
in ea familia aliquamdiu honos. Bellum inde Veiens 

9 initum, et Volsci rebellarunt. Sed ad bella externa 
prope supererant vires, abutebanturque iis inter 

10 semet ipsos certando. Accessere ad aegras iam om- 
nium mentes prodigia caelestia, prope cotidianas in 
urbe agrisque ostentantia minas ; motique ita numinis 
causam nullain aliam vates canebant publice priva- 
timque nunc extis nunc per aves consult!, quam hand 

11 rite sacra fieri. Qui terrores tandem l eo evasere 
ut Oppia virgo Vestalis damnata incesti poenas 


1 tandem Madvig : tamen n : omitted in 0. 

1 For the next four years, making seven successive years 
in all, the Fabii were represented in the consulate. 


BOOK II. XLII. 6-1 1 

the thought of land-grants and encouragements to B.C. 
rashness. The most strenuous of leaders were at 484 ~ 48J 
hand for the senatorial opposition, in the persons of 
the consuls. Their party was therefore victorious and 
not only won an immediate success but, besides, 
elected as consuls for the approaching year Marcus 
Fabius, Caeso's brother, and one whom, on account 
of the prosecution of Spurius Cassius, the people 
hated even more, namely, Lucius Valerius. This 
year also there was a conflict with the tribunes. 
Nothing came of the legislation, and its supporters 
fell into contempt, from boasting of a measure which 
they could not carry through. The Fabii were thence- 
forward held in great repute, after their three succes- 
sive consulships, which had all without interruption 
been subjected to the proof of struggles with the 
tribunes ; accordingly the office, as if well invested, 
was permitted to remain some time in that family. 1 
War then broke out with Veii, and the Volsci 
revolted. But for foreign wars there was almost a 
superabundance of resources, and men misused them 
in quarrelling amongst themselves. To increase the 
general anxiety which was now felt, portents imply- 
ing the anger of the gods were of almost daily 
occurrence in the City and the country. For this 
expression of divine wrath no other reason was 
alleged by the soothsayers, when they had enquired 
into it both officially and privately, sometimes by 
inspecting entrails and sometimes by observing the 
flight of birds, than the failure duly to observe the 
rites of religion. These alarms at length resulted 
in the condemnation of Oppia, a Vestal virgin, for 
unchastity, and her punishment. 



XLIII. Q. Fabius inde et C. lulius 1 consules 
facti. Eo anno non 2 segnior discordia domi et bel- 
lum foris atrocius fuit. Ab Aequis arma sumpta : 
Veientes agrum quoque Romanorum populantes ini- 
erunt. Quorum bellorum crescente cura Caeso Fabius 

2 et Sp. Furius consules fiunt. Ortonam, Latinam 
urbem, Aequi oppugnabant : Veientes pleni iam 
population um Romam ipsam se oppugnaturos mina- 

3 bantur. Qui terrores cum compescere deberent, 
auxere insuper animos plebis ; redibatque non sua 
sponte plebi mos detractandi militiam, sed Sp. 
Licinius tribunus plebis, venisse tempus ratus per 
ultimam necessitatem legis agrariae patribus iniun- 
gendae, susceperat rem militarem impediendam. 

4 Ceterum tota invidia tribuniciae potestatis versa in 
auctorem est, nee in eum consules acrius quam 
ipsius 3 collegae coorti sunt, auxilioque eorum dilec- 

5 turn consules habent. Ad duo simul bella exercitus 
scribitur ; ducendus Fabio in Aequos, Furio datur 
in Veientes. In Veientes nihil dignum memoria 

6 gestum ; et in Aequis quidem Fabio aliquanto plus 
negotii cum civibus quam cum hostibus fuit. 4 Unus 
ille vir, ipse consul, rem publicam sustinuit, quam 
exercitus odio consulis, quantum in se fuit, prodebat. 

7 Nam cum consul praeter ceteras imperatorias artes, 
quas parando gerendoque bello edidit plurimas, ita 

1 lulius Sigonins (from Dion. Hal. viii. 90. 5 and Cassiod. 
C.I.L. i 2 , p. 101): tulliusa 

2 anno non n : anno M (cf. 4). 

3 ipsius J/$- : ipsius eius fl. 

4 The words ducendus to fuit give the text as restored by 
Conway and Walters (cf. Class. Quart. 1910, p. 276) : the 
good MSS. order the ivords thus : ducendus Fabio in Veientes, 
in Aequos Furio datur, et in Aequis quidem nihil dignum 
memoria gestum est ; Fabio aliquanto plus negotii cum 
ciuibus quam cum hostibus fuit. 



XLIII. Quintus Fabius and Gaius Julius were B.C. 
then made consuls. This year there was no less dis- 
cord at home, and the menace of war was greater. 
The Aequi took up arms, and the Veientes even 
made a foray into Roman territory. During the 
increasing anxiety occasioned by these campaigns 
Caeso Fabius and Spurius Furius were elected to 
the consulship. Ortona, a Latin city, was being 
besieged by the Aequi ; while the Veientes, who by 
this time had their fill of rapine, were threatening 
to attack Rome itself. These alarms, though they 
should have restrained the animosity of the plebeians, 
actually heightened it ; and they resumed their 
custom of refusing service, though not of their own 
initiative ; for it was Spurius Licinius, tribune of the 
plebs, who, deeming that the moment had come for 
forcing a land-law on the patricians by the direst 
necessity, had undertaken to obstruct the prepara- 
tions for war. But he drew upon his own head all 
the odium attaching to the tribunician office, nor did 
the consuls inveigh against him more fiercely than 
did his own colleagues, and with their help the con- 
suls held a levy. Armies were enlisted for two wars 
at the same time ; the command of one, which was 
to invade the Aequi, was given to Fabius, while with 
the other Furius was to oppose the Veientes. Against 
the Veientes nothing worth recording was accom- 
plished ; and in the Aequian campaign Fabius had 
somewhat more trouble with his fellow-Romans than 
with the enemy. That one man, the consul himself, 
preserved the state, which the army in its hatred of 
the consul would, so far as it was able, have betrayed. 
For when the consul, besides the many other in- 
stances of good generalship which he displayed in 



A.D.O. instruxisset aciem, ut solo equitatu emisso exercitum 

8 hostium funderet, insequi fusos pedes noluit; nee 
illos, etsi non adhortatio invisi ducis, suum saltern 
flagitium et publicum in praesentia dedecus, post- 
modo periculum, si animus hosti redisset, cogere 
potuit gradum adcelerare aut, si aliud nihil, stare 1 

9 instructos. Iniussu signa referunt maestique cre- 
deres victos exsecrantes nunc imperatorem nunc 

10 navatam ab equite operam, redeunt in castra. Nee 
huic tarn pestilenti exemplo remedia ulla ab impera- 
tore quaesita sunt ; adeo excellentibus ingeniis citius 
defuerit ars qua civem regant, quam qua hostem 

1 1 superent. Consul Roniam rediit non tain belli gloria 
aucta quam inritato exacerbatoque in se militum 
odio. Obtinuere tamen patres ut in Fabia gente 
consulatus maneret ; M. Fabium consulem creant, 
Fabio collega Cn. Manlius 2 datur. 

A.U.C. XLIV. Et hie annus tribunum auctorem legis 


agrariae habuit. Tib. Pontificius fuit. Is eandein 
viam velut processisset Sp. Licinio ingressus dilec- 
2 turn paulisper impediit. Perturbatis iterum patribus 
Ap. Claudius victam tribuniciam potestatem dicere 
priore anno, in praesentia re, exemplo in perpetuum, 

1 stare Muretus : ins tare (instrare 0} fl. 

a Manlius ed. Aid. (from n. xlvii. 1, Dion. Hal. ix. 5. 1, 
and Diod. xi. 50; but Caaxiod. C.I.L. i 2 , p. 101 has Cn. 
Mallius) : Manillas (or Mam-) H. 


BOOK II. xLin. 7-XLiv. 2 

preparing for the war and in his conduct of it, had so B.C. 
drawn up the battle-line that a charge of the cavalry 
alone sufficed to rout the enemy's army, the foot re- 
fused to pursue the flying foe ; nor could even their 
own sense of guilt to say nothing of the exhorta- 
tion of their hated general, nor even the thought 
of the immediate disgrace to all, and the danger they 
must presently incur if the enemy should recover 
his courage, compel them to quicken their pace, or, 
if nothing else, to stand in their ranks. Contrary to 
orders they retreated and returned to their camp, in 
such dejection that you would have supposed them 
beaten, now uttering execrations against their leader 
and now against the efficient services of the horse. 
Ruinous though their example was, the general found 
no remedy for it ; so true is it that noble minds are 
oftener lacking in the qualities by which men govern 
their fellow-citizens than in those by which they 
conquer an enemy. The consul returned to Rome, 
having purchased more hatred of his irritated and 
embittered soldiers than won increase in military 
fame. Nevertheless the Fathers held out for the 
retention of the consulship in the Fabian family. 
Marcus Fabius was the man they elected, and they 
gave him Gnaeus Manlius as a colleague. 

XLIV. This year also had a tribune who advocated B.C. 480 
a land-law, Tiberius Pontificius. He set out on the 
same path that Spurius Licinius had trodden, as 
though Licinius had been successful, and for a time 
obstructed the levy. The senators were again thrown 
into consternation, but Appius Claudius told them 
that the tribunician power had been overcome the 
year before, actually for the time being, and potentially 



, \.n.c. quando inventum sit suis ipsam viribus dissolvi. 


3 Neque enim umquam defuturum qui et ex collega 
victoriam sibi et gratiam melioris partis bono publico 
velit quaesitam ; et plures, si pluribus opus sit, tri- 
bunos ad auxilium consul um paratos fore, et unum 

4 vel adversus omnes satis esse. Darent modo et con- 
sules et primores patrum operam ut, si minus omnes, 
aliquos tamen ex tribunis rei publicae ac senatui 

5 conciliarent. Praeceptis Appi moniti patres et uni- 
versi comiter ac benigne tribunes appellare, et con- 
sulares, ut cuique eorum privatim aliquid iuris ad- 
versus singulos erat, partial gratia partim auctoritate 
obtinuere ut tribuniciae potestatis vires salubres 

G vellent rei publicae esse ; quattuorque 1 tribunorum 
adversus unum moratorem publici commodi auxilio 
dilectum consules habent. 

7 Inde ad Veiens bellum profecti, quo undique ex 
Etruria auxilia convenerant, non tarn Veientium 
gratia concitata quam quod in spem ventum erat 
discordia intestina dissolvi rem Romanam posse. 

8 Principesque in omnium Etruriae populorum con- 
ciliis fremebant aeternas opes esse Romanas, nisi 
inter semet ipsi seditionibus saeviant. Id unum 
venenum, earn labem civitatibus opulentis repertam, 

1 quattuorque 5- (cf. u. xxxiii. 2 ; in. xxx. 7) : nouemque 
(noque M) n (? ix for iv). 

3 6 4 


for ever, since a way had been discovered for em- B.C. 480 
ploying its resources to its own undoing. For 
there would always be some tribune who would be 
willing to gain a personal victory over his colleague, 
and obtain the favour of the better element, while 
doing the nation a service. There would be a number 
of tribunes, if a number should be needed, who would 
be ready to help the consuls ; and a single one was 
enough, though opposed to all the rest. Only let 
the consuls, and the leading senators as well, make 
a point of winning over, if not all, at any rate some 
of the tribunes to the state and the senate. Acting 
on the instructions of Appius, the Fathers began as 
a class to address the tribunes in a courteous and 
kindly manner ; and those who were of consular 
rank, when it happened that any of them had any 
private claim upon an individual tribune, brought 
it about, in part by personal influence, in part by 
political, that those officials were disposed to use 
their powers for the good of the state ; and four of 
them, as against one who would have hindered 
the general good, assisted the consuls to hold the 

The army then set out for a war with the Veientes, 
to whose help forces had rallied from every quarter 
of Etruria, not so much roused by goodwill towards 
the men of Veii as by hopes that civil discord might 
effect the downfall of the Roman state. And indeed 
the leading men in the councils of all the Etrurian 
peoples were wrathfully complaining that there would 
be no end to the power of the Romans unless factional 
quarrels should set them to fighting amongst them- 
selves. They asserted that this was the only poison, 
the only decay which had been found to work upon 



.U.C. 9 ut magna imperia mortalia essent. Diu sustentatum 


id malum, partim patrum consiliis partim patientia 
plebis, iam ad extrema venisse. Duas civitates ex 
una factas, suos cuique parti magistrates, suas leges 

10 esse. Primum in dilectibus saevire solitos, eosdem 
in bello tamen paruisse ducibus. Qualicumque urbis 
statu manente disciplina militari sisti potuisse ; iam 
non parendi magistratibus morem in castra quoque 

11 Romanum militem sequi. Proximo bello in ipsaacie, 
in ipso certamine consensu exercitus traditam ultro 
victoriam victis Aequis, signa deserta, imperatorem 

12 in acie relictum, iniussu in castra reditum. Profecto, 
si instetur, suo milite vinci Romam posse. Nihil 
aliud opus esse quam indici ostendique bellum ; 
cetera sua spoiite fata et deos gestures. Hae spes 
Etruscos armaverant, multis in vicem casibus victos 
victoresque. XLV. Consules quoque Romani iiihil 
praeterea aliud quam suas vires, sua arma horrebant. 
Memoria pessimi proximo bello exempli terrebat ne 
rem committerent eo ubi duae simul acies timendae 

2 essent. Itaque castris se tenebant, tarn ancipiti 
periculo aversi : diem tempusque forsitan ipsum leni- 



opulent states, so as to make great empires transitory. B.C. 4so 
For a long time the Romans had withstood this evil, 
thanks partly to the prudence of the senate, partly to 
the patience of the plebs ; but they had now come 
to a crisis. Two states had been created out of one : 
each faction had its own magistrates, its own laws. 
At first, though they had a way of fiercely opposing 
the levies, yet when war began they had obeyed 
their generals. No matter what the condition of 
things in the City, so long as military discipline held 
it had been possible to make a stand ; but now the 
fashion of disobeying magistrates was following the 
Roman soldier even to his camp. In their latest war, 
when the army was already drawn up for battle, and 
at the very instant of conflict, they had with one 
accord actually handed over the victory to the con- 
quered Aequi, had deserted their standards, had left 
their general on the field, and had returned, against 
his orders, to their camp. Assuredly if her enemies 
pressed forward they could vanquish Rome by means 
of her own soldiers. There needed nothing more 
than to make a declaration and a show of war ; Fate 
and the gods would of their own will do the rest. 
Such were the hopes which had led the Etruscans 
to take up arms, after many a shifting hazard of de- 
feat and victory. XLV. The Roman consuls also felt 
that they had nothing else to dread but their own 
forces and their own arms. The recollection of the 
heinous example set in the last war deterred them 
from offering battle in a situation where they would 
be in danger from two armies at the same time. Ac- 
cordingly they kept within their camp, restrained by 
the thought of so grave a peril : time and circum- 
stances would perhaps assuage the anger of the men 

3 6 7 

.U.C. 3 turum iras sanitatemque animis allaturum. Veiens 


hostis Etruscique eo magis pr.iepropere agere ; laces- 
sere ad pugnam primo obequitando castris provocan- 
doque, postremo, ut nihil movebant, qua consules 

4 ipsos qua exercitum increpando : simulationem intes- 
tinae discordiae reniedium timoris inventum, et con- 
sules magis non confidere quam non credere suis 
militibus ; novum seditionis genus, silentium otium- 
que inter armatos. Ad haec in novitatem generis 

5 originisque qua falsa, qua vera iacere. Haec cum 
sub ipso vallo portisque streperent, haud aegre con- 
sules pati ; at imperitae multitudini mine indignatio, 
mine pudor pectora versare et ab intestinis avertere 
malis ; nolle inultos hostes, nolle successum non pa- 
tribus, non consulibus ; externa et domestica odia 

6 certare in animis. Tandem superant externa, adeo 
superbe insolenterque hostis eludebat. Frequentes 
in praetoriura conveniunt; poscunt pugnam, postu- 

7 lant ut signum detur. Consules velut deliberabundi 
capita conferunt, diu conloquuntur. Pugnare cupie- 
bant, sed retro revocanda et abdenda l cupiditas erat, 
ut adversando remorandoque incitato semel militi 

8 adderent impetum. Redditur responsum immaturam 

1 abdenda 5- Gebhard : addenda fl. 

1 The headquarters of the consul, who was originally called 


BOOK II. XLV. 2-8 

and bring them to their senses. Their enemies the B.C. 430 
Veientes and the other Etruscans were for that reason 
the more in haste to act ; they attempted to provoke 
the Romans to fight, at first by riding up to their 
camp and challenging them to come out, and finally, 
when they gained nothing by this, by shouting insults 
both at the consuls themselves and at the army. They 
said that their pretended want of harmony amongst 
themselves had been resorted to in order to conceal 
their fear, and that the consuls distrusted the courage 
of their men even more than their loyalty ; it was a 
strange kind of mutiny where armed men were silent 
and inactive. To these taunts they added others upon 
the newness of their race and origin, partly false and 
partly true. This abuse, noisily uttered beneath the 
very rampart and the gates, was endured unconcern- 
edly enough by the consuls. But the inexperienced 
rank and file, stirred now by indignation and now 
by shame, were diverted from the thought of their 
domestic troubles ; they were unwilling that their 
enemies should go unpunished; they were unwilling 
that the patricians, that the consuls should obtain a 
success ; hatred of the foe contended in their bosoms 
with hatred of their fellow-citizens. At length the 
former feeling got the upper hand, so proud and in- 
solent was the jeering of the enemy. They gathered 
in crowds at the praetorium, 1 demanded battle, re- 
quested that the signal should be given. The con- 
suls, as though considering the matter, put their 
heads together and conferred for a long time. They 
desired to fight, but it was needful to keep back 
their desire and conceal it, that by opposition and 
delay they might stimulate to fury the already eager 
soldiery. The men were therefore told that the 

3 6 9 


A.TT.C. rem agi, nondum tempus pugnae esse ; castris se 
tenerent. Edicunt inde ut abstineant pugna : si quis 
9 iniussu pugnaverit, ut in hostem animadversuros. Ita 
dimissis, quo minus consules velle credunt, crescit 
ardor pugnandi. Accendunt insuper hostes ferocius 
multo, ut statuisse non pugnare consules cognitum 

10 est : quippe impune se insultaturos, non credi militi 
arma, rem ad ultimum seditionis erupturam, finemque 
venisse Romano imperio. His freti occursant portis, 
ingerunt probra, aegre abstinent quin castra oppug- 

11 nent. Enimvero non ultra contumeliam pati Roma- 
nus posse; totis castris undique ad consules curritur; 
non iam 1 sensim, ut ante, per centurionum principes 
postulant, sed passim omnes clamoribus agunt. Ma- 

12 tura res erat ; tergiversantur tamen. Fabius deinde 
ad crescentem tumultum iam metu seditionis collega 
concedente, cum silentium classico fecisset : " Ego 
istos, Cn. Manli, 2 posse vincere scio ; velle ne scirem 

13 ipsi fecerunt. Itaque certum atque decretum est 
non dare signum, nisi victores se redituros ex hac 
pugna iurant. Consulem Romanum miles semel in 
acie fefellit, deos numquam fallet." Centurio erat 

1 iam 7JV : tarn H. 2 Manli j- : Manili n. 


BOOK II. XLV. 8-13 

thing was premature, that the time for battle had B.C. 480 
not yet come ; that they must keep within the camp. 
Then the consuls issued an order to abstain from 
fighting, declaring that if any man fought without 
orders they should treat him as an enemy. Dismissed 
with these words, the less inclination the soldiers 
discovered in the consuls the greater became their 
own eagerness for the fray. They were still further 
exasperated by the enemy, who were much bolder 
even than before, when the consuls' determination 
not to fight became known : it was clear that they 
could insult the Romans with impunity; their soldiers 
were not trusted with weapons, the affair would cul- 
minate in absolute mutiny, and the end of the Roman 
power had come. Relying on these convictions, they 
charged up to the gates, flung gibes at their de- 
fenders, and scarcely refrained from assaulting the 
camp. At this the Romans could no longer brook 
their insults ; from all over the camp they came 
running to the consuls. There were no more cautious 
requests, preferred through the chief centurions, but 
on all sides arose a general clamour. The time was 
ripe ; nevertheless the consuls hung back. Then 
Fabius, when his colleague, beginning to fear mutiny, 
was on the point of yielding to the growing tumult, 
commanded silence by a trumpet-blast and said : 
" I know, Gnaeus Manlius, that these men have the 
power to conquer, but their will to do so I know not; 
and for this they are themselves to blame. I am 
therefore resolved and determined not to give the 
signal unless they swear that they will return vic- 
torious from this engagement. Once, in a battle, the 
soldiers betrayed a Roman consul : they will never 
betray the gods." There was a centurion named 


.H.C. M. Flavoleius, inter primores pugnae flagitator. 

14 "Victor," inquit, " M. Fabi, revertar ex acie." Si 
fallat, lovem patrem Gradivumque Martem aliosque 
iratos invocat deos. Idem deinceps omnis exercitus 
in se quisque in rat. luratis datur signum ; arma 
capiunt ; eunt in pugnam irarum speique pleni. 

15 Nunc iubent Etruscos probra iacere, nunc armati 

16 sibi quisque lingua promptum hostem offerri. Om- 
nium illo die, qua plebis qua patrum, eximia virtus 
fuit ; Fabium nomen 1 maxime enituit. Multis civili- 
bus certaminibus infensos plebis animos ilia pugna 
sibi reconciliare statuunt. 

XLVI. Instruitur acies, nee Veiens hostis Etrus- 
caeque legiones detractant. Prope certa spes erat 
non magis secum pugnaturos quam pugnaverint cum 
Aequis ; maius quoque aliquod in tarn inritatis animis 
et occasione ancipiti baud desperandum esse facinus. 

2 Res aliter longe evenit; nam non alio ante bello 
infestior Romanus adeo hinc contumeliis hostes, 
hinc consules mora exacerbaverant proelium iniit. 

3 Vix explicandi ordinis spatium Etruscis fuit, cum 
pilis inter primam trepidationem abiectis temere 
magis quam emissis pugna iam in manus, iam ad 

4 gladios, ubi Mars est atrocissiimiSj venerat. Inter 

1 Fabium nomen Madvig : fabium nomen i'abia gens 1. 

BOOK II. XLV. i3~xLvi. 4 

Marcus Flavoleius, who had been among the foremost B.C. 48f 
in demanding battle. " I will return victorious from 
the field, Marcus Fabius," he cried, and invoked the 
wrath of Father Jupiter, Mars Gradivus, and the 
other gods, if he failed to keep his vow. The same 
pledge was then taken in order by the entire 
army, each man invoking its penalties upon himself. 
When they had sworn, the signal sounded. They 
armed and entered the fight, angry and confident. 
Now let the Etruscans fling their taunts ! Now 
they all cried now, when they were armed, 
let the lip-bold enemy face them! On that day 
they all showed splendid courage, both commoners 
and nobles, but the Fabian name was especially dis- 
tinguished. In the course of many political struggles 
they had estranged the plebs, and they resolved to 
regain their goodwill in that battle. 

XLVI. The line was drawn up, nor did the Veientes 
and the Etruscan levies shun the encounter. They 
felt almost certain that the Romans would no more 
fight with them than they had fought with the Aequi. 
That they might even be guilty of some greater 
enormity, exasperated as they were, and possessed 
of a critical opportunity, was not too much to hope. 
But it turned out quite otherwise. For there had 
never been a war when the Romans went into battle 
with a keener hostility so embittered had they 
been, on the one hand by the enemy's insults, on 
the other by the procrastination of the consuls. The 
Etruscans had barely had time to deploy when their 
enemies, who in the first excitement had rather 
cast their javelins at random than fairly aimed them, 
were already come to sword-strokes at close quarters, 
where fighting is the fiercest. The Fabian clan was 



.IT.C. primores genus Fabium insigne spectaculo exem- 
ploque civibus erat. Ex his Q. Fabium tertio hie 
anno ante consul fuerat principem in confertos 
Veientes euntem ferox viribus et armor um arte 
Tuscus, incautum inter multas versantem 1 hostium 
manus, gladio per pectus transfigit ; telo extracto 

5 praeceps Fabius in volnus cadit. 2 Sensit utraque 
acies unius viri casum, cedebatque inde Romanus, 
cum M. Fabius consul transiluit iacentis corpus 
obiectaque parma, "Hoc iurastis/' inquit, "milites, 

6 fugientes vos in castra redituros ? Adeo ignavissi- 
mos hostes magis timetis quam lovem Martemque, 
per quos iurastis ? At ego iniuratus aut victor re- 
vertar aut prope te hie, Q. Fabi, dimicans cadam." 
Consuli turn Caeso 3 Fabius, prioris anni consul : 
" Verbisne istis, frater, ut pugnent te impetraturum 

7 credis ? Di impetrabunt, per quos iuravere ; et nos, 
ut decet proceres, ut Fabio nomine est dignum, pug- 
nando potius quam adbortando accendamus militum 
animos ! ' Sic in primum infensis hastis provolant 
duo Fabii totamque moverunt secum aciem. 

XLVII. Proelio ex parte una restitute nihilo 

segiiius in cornu altero Cn. Manlius consul pugnam 

2 ciebat, ubi prope similis fortuna est versata. Nam 

ut altero in cornu Q. Fabium, sic in hoc ipsum 

1 versantem Z) 2 (or Z) 1 ) 5- : uersantes fl. 

2 cadit H. J. Miiller -, abiit n. 

3 Caeso 5- : gaius fi : c U : graus H. 



conspicuous among the foremost, a spectacle and en- B.C. 480 
couragement to their fellow-citizens. One of them, 
the Quintus Fabius who had been consul three years 
before, was leading the attack on the closely mar- 
shalled Veientes, when a Tuscan, exulting in his 
strength and skill at arms, caught him unawares in 
the midst of a crowd of his enemies and drove his 
sword through his breast. As the blade was with- 
drawn Fabius fell headlong upon his wound. It 
was but the fall of one man, but both armies felt 
it ; and the Romans were giving way at that point, 
when Marcus Fabius the consul leaped over the 
prostrate corpse and, covering himself with his 
target, cried, " Was this your oath, men, that you 
would return to your camp in flight ? Do you 
then fear the most dastardly of foes more than 
Jupiter and Mars, by whom you swore? But I, 
though I have sworn no oath, will either return 
victorious or fall fighting here by you, Quintus 
Fabius !" To this speech of the consul Caeso Fabius, 
consul of the year before, made answer, " Think you 
that your words will persuade them to fight, brother ? 
The gods will persuade them, by whom they have 
sworn. And let us, as is meet for nobles, as is worthy 
of the name of Fabius, kindle by fighting rather than 
by exhortation the courage of our soldiers ! " With 
that the two Fabii rushed into the press with levelled 
spears and carried the whole line forward with 

XLVII. Thus the fortune of the day was re- 
trieved in one part of the field. On the other wing 
Gnaeus Manlius the consul was urging on the fight 
with no less vigour, when almost the same thing 
happened. For as Quintus Fabius had done on the 



consulem Manlium iam velut fusos agentem hostes 
et inpigre milites secuti sunt et, ut ille gravi 
volnere ictus ex acie cessit, interfectum rati 

3 gradum rettulere ; cessisseiitque loco, ni consul 
alter cum aliquot turmis equitum in earn partem 
citato equo advectus, vivere clamitans collegam, se 
victorem fuso altero cornu adesse, rem inclinatam 

4 sustinuisset. Manlius quoque ad restituendam 
aciem se ipse coram offert. Duorum consulum cog- 
nita ora accendunt militum animos. Simul et 
vanior iam erat hostium acies, dum abundante multi- 
tudine freti subtracta subsidia mittunt ad castra op- 

5 pugnanda. In quae baud magno certamine impetu 
facto, dum l praedae magis quam pugnae memores 
tererent tempus, triarii Romani, qui primam inrup- 
tionem sustinere non potuerant, missis ad consules 
nuntiis quo loco res essent, conglobati ad praetorium 

6 redeunt et sua sponte ipsi proelium renovant. Et 
Manlius consul revectus in castra ad omnes portas 
milite opposite hostibus viam clauserat. Ea despe- 
ratio Tuscis rabiem magis quam audaciam accendit. 
Nam cum incursantes, quacumque exitum ostenderet 
spes, vano aliquotiens impetu issent, globus iuvenum 
unus in ipsum consulem insignem armis invadit. 

1 dum n (including M l or M*) : cum Gronov. M. 


other Hank, so here the consul Manlius was personally B.C. 4so 
leading the attack upon the enemy, whom he had 
almost routed, for his soldiers followed him valiantly, 
when he was severely wounded and retired from the 
fighting line. His men believed him to be dead, and 
faltered ; and they would have yielded the position, 
had not the other consul ridden up at a gallop, with 
some few troops of horse, and calling out that his 
colleague was alive, and that he himself had defeated 
and routed the other wing and was come to help 
them, in that way put a stop to their wavering. 
Manlius also showed himself among them, helping to 
restore the line ; and the soldiers, recognizing the 
features of their two consuls, plucked up courage. 
At the same time the battle-line of the enemy was 
now less strong, for, relying on their excess of numbers, 
they had withdrawn their reserves and dispatched 
them to storm the Roman camp. There, having forced 
an entrance without encountering much opposition, 
they were frittering away their time, their thoughts 
more taken up with the booty than with the battle, 
when the Roman reserves, which had been unable to 
withstand the first onset, sent word to the consuls 
how things stood, and then closed up their ranks, re- 
turned to the praetorium, and of themselves resumed 
the battle. Meanwhile Manlius the consul had ridden 
back to the camp, and by posting men at all the 
gates had cut off the enemy's egress. In desperation 
at this turn the Etruscans had been inflamed to the 
point rather of madness than of recklessness. For 
when, as they rushed in whatever direction there 
seemed a prospect of escape, they had made several 
charges to no purpose, one band of youths made a 
dash at the consul himself, whose arms made him con- 



A.U.O. 7 Prima excepta a circumstantibus tela ; sustineri de- 


inde vis nequit. Consul mortifero volnere ictus 

8 cadit, fusique circa omnes. Tuscis crescit audacia ; 
Romanes terror per tota castra trepidos agit, et ad 
extrema ventum foret, ni legati rapto consulis cor- 

9 pore patefecissent una porta hostibus viam. Ea 
erumpunt ; consternatoque agmine abeuntes in vic- 
torem alterum incidunt consulem. Ibi iterum caesi 
fusique passim. Victoria egregia parta, tristis tamen 

10 duobus tarn claris funeribus. Itaque consul decer- 
nente senatu triumphurn, si exercitus sine imperatore 
triumphare possit, pro eximia eo bello opera facile 
passurum respondit ; se, familia funesta Q. Fabi 
fratris morte, re publica ex parte orba, consule altero 
amisso, publico privatoque deformem luctu lauream 

11 non accepturum. Omni acto triumpho depositus 
triumphus clarior fuit ; adeo spreta in tempore gloria 
interdum cumulatior rediit. Funera deinde duo 
deinceps collegae fratrisque ducit, idem in utroque 
laudator, cum concedendo illis suas laudes ipse maxi- 

12 mam partem earum ferret. Neque immemor eius^ 
quod initio consulatus imbiberat, reconciliandi ani- 



spicuous. Their first discharge of javelins was parried B.C. 480 
by the soldiers who surrounded him, but after that 
there was no withstanding their violence. The consul 
fell, mortally wounded, and all about him fled. The 
Etruscans grew more reckless than before; the 
Romans were driven, quaking with terror, right across 
the camp, and their case would have been desperate, 
had not the lieutenants caught up the body of the con- 
sul and opened a way for the enemy by one of the gates. 
By that they burst forth, and escaping in a disordered 
column, fell in the way of the other, the victorious 
consul, where they were again cut to pieces, and dis- 
persed in all directions. A victory of great importance 
had been won, but it was saddened by the death of two 
so famous men. The consul therefore made answer 
to the senate, when it would have voted him a 
triumph, that if the army could triumph without its 
general, its services in that war had been so remarkable 
that he would readily grant his consent ; as for him- 
self, when his family was in mourning for die death 
of Quintus Fabius his brother, and the state was half 
orphaned by the loss of the other consul, he would 
not accept a laurel which was blighted with national 
and private sorrow. No triumph ever celebrated was 
more famous than was his refusal to accept a triumph, 
so true is it that a seasonable rejection of glory some- 
times but increases it. The consul then solemnized, 
one after the other, the funerals of his colleague and 
his brother, and pronounced the eulogy of each ; 
but while yielding their meed of praise to them, 
he gained for himself the very highest praises. 
Nor was he unmindful of that policy which he had 
adopted in the beginning of his consulship, of 
winning the affections of the plebs, but billeted the 



A.U.C. mos plebis, saucios milites curandos dividit patribus. 
Fabiis plurimi dati, nee alibi maiore cura habiti. 
Inde populares iam esse Fabii nee hoc ulla l nisi 
salubri rei publicae arte. 2 

A.U.C. XLVIII. Igitur non patrum magis quam plebis 

studiis Caeso 3 Fabius cum T. Verginio consul factus 
neque belli 4 neque dilectus neque ullam aliam pri- 
orem curam agere quam ut iam aliqua ex parte 
incohata concordiae spe primo quoque tempore cuin 

2 patribus coalescerent animi plebis. Itaque principio 
anni censuit, priusquam quisquam agrariae legis 
auctor tribunus exsisteret, occuparent patres ipsi suum 
munus facere, captivum agrum plebi quam maxime 
aequaliter darent : verum esse habere eos quorum 

3 sanguine ac sudore partus sit. Aspernati })atres 
sunt ; questi quoque quidam nimia gloria luxuriare 
et evanescere vividum quondam illud Caesonis in- 
genium. Nullae deinde urbaiiae factiones fuere. 

1 Vexabantur incursionibus Aequorum Latini. Eo cum 
exercitu Caeso missus in ipsorum Aequorum agrum 
depopulandum transit. Aequi se in oppida recepe- 
ruiit mu risque se tenebant. Eo nulla pugna memo- 
rabilis fuit. 

5 At a Veiente hoste clades accepta temeritate alte 

1 ulla Gruter : ulla re fl : nulla re PFB : ualerein DL. 

8 rei publicae arte Gruter (now confirmed by reiparte FB) : 
reip. parte fl. 

3 Caeso (i.e. Ceao) JRV (cf. C.I.L. i 2 , p. 101): c, M (Con- 
way and Walters think this may be a corruption of ce = cae-) : 
c. (or g. or q. ) ft. * belli Hearne D ? : bella fl. 



wounded soldiers on the patricians, to be cared for. B.C. 480 
To the Fabii he assigned the largest number, nor 
did they anywhere receive greater attention. For 
this the Fabii now began to enjoy the favour of the 
people, nor was this end achieved by aught but a 
demeanour wholesome for the state. 

XLVIII. The senators were now therefore not 8.0.479 
more forward than the plebeians in choosing Caeso 
Fabius to be consul, along with Titus Verginius. On 
taking office his first concern was neither war nor 
the raising of troops nor anything else, save that the 
prospect of harmony which had been already partly 
realized should ripen at the earliest possible moment 
into a good understanding between the patricians 
and the plebs. He therefore proposed at the outset 
of his term that before one of the tribunes should 
rise up and advocate a land-law, the Fathers them- 
selves should anticipate him by making it their own 
affair and bestowing the conquered territory upon 
the plebs with the utmost impartiality ; for it was 
right that they should possess it by whose blood and 
toil it had been won. The senators scorned the pro- 
posal, and some even complained that too much glory 
was spoiling and dissipating that vigorous intellect 
which Caeso had once possessed. In the sequel there 
were no outbreaks of strife and faction in the City, 
but the Latins were plagued with incursions of the 
Aequi. Thither Caeso was dispatched with an army, 
and passed over into the Aequians' own country to 
lay it waste. The Aequi retired to their towns and 
kept within their walls. For this reason there was 
no memorable battle. 

But the Veientes inflicted a defeat on the Romans 
owing to the rashness of the other consul ; and the 

VOL. I. O 


*..u.c. rius consults, actumque de exercitu foret, ni K. Fabius 


in tempore subsidio venisset. Ex eo tempore neque 
pax neque bellum cum Veientibus fuit ; res proxime 

6 formam l latrocinii venerat. Legionibu55 Romanis 
cedebant in urbem; ubi abductas senserant legiones, 
agros incursabant, bellum quiete quietem bello in 
vicem eludentes. Ita neque omitti tola res nee per- 
fici poterat. Et alia bella aut praesentia instabant, 
ut ab Aequis Volscisque, non diutius quam recens 
dolor proximae cladis transiret quiescentibus, aut 
mox moturos 2 esse apparebat Sabinos semper in- 

7 festos Etruriamque omnem. Sed Veiens hostis, ad- 
siduus magis quam gravis, contumeliis saepius quam 
periculo aiiimos agitabat, quod nullo tempore neglegi 

8 poterat aut averti alio sinebat. Turn Fabia gens 
senatum adiit. Consul pro gente loquitur : " Ad- 
siduo magis quam magno praesidio, ut scitis, patres 
conscripti, bellum Veiens eget. Vos alia bella curate, 
Fabios hostes Veientibus date. Auctores sumus tu- 

9 tarn ibi maiestatem Romani nominis fore. Nostrum 
id nobis velut familiare bellum private sumptu gerere 
in animo est : res publica et milite illic et pecunia 

10 vacet." Gratiae ingentes actae. Consul e curia 
egressus comitante Fabiorum agmine, qui in vesti- 
bule curiae senatus consultum exspectantes stet- 

1 formam 5- : in formam H. 

2 moturos Madvig : moturos se n. 



army would have been destroyed if Caeso Fabius B.C. 479 
had not come, in the nick of time, to its rescue. 
Thenceforward there was neither peace nor war with 
the Veientes, but something very like freebooting. 
In the face of the Roman legions they would retreat 
into their city ; when they perceived the legions to 
be withdrawn they would make raids upon the fields, 
evading war by a semblance of peace, and peace in 
turn by war. Hence it was impossible either to let 
the whole matter go or to end it. Other wars, too, 
were immediately threatening like the one with 
the Aequi and the Volsci, who would observe peace 
only so long as the suffering involved in their latest 
defeat was passing away, or were soon to be begun, 
by the always hostile Sabines and all Etruria. But 
the enmity of the Veientes, persistent rather than 
perilous, and issuing in insults oftener than in 
uanger, kept the Romans in suspense, for they were 
never permitted to forget it or to turn their atten- 
tion elsewhere. Then the Fabian clan went before 
the senate, and the consul said, speaking for the 
clan: "A standing body of defenders rather than a 
large one is required, Conscript Fathers, as you know, 
for the war with Veii. Do you attend to the other 
wars, and assign to the Fabii the task of opposing 
the Veientes. We undertake that the majesty of 
the Roman name shall be safe in that quarter. It 
is our purpose to wage this war as if it were our 
own family feud, at our private costs : the state may 
dispense with furnishing men and money for this 
cause." The thanks of the Fathers were voted with 
enthusiasm. The consul came out from the senate- 
house, and escorted by a column of the Fabii, who 
had halted in the vestibule of the curia while awaiting 



A.U.C. erant, domum redit. lussi armati postero die ad 


limen consulis adesse ; domos inde discedunt. 

A. re. XLIX. Manat tota urbe rumor; Fabios ad caelum 

laudibus ferunt : familiam unam subisse civitatis 

; Veiens bellum in privatam curam, in privata 

2 arm a versum. Si sint duae roboris eiusdem in urbe 
gentes, deposcant haec Volscos sibi^ ilia Aequos, 
populo Romano tranquillam pacem agente omnes 
finitimos subigi populos posse. Fabii postera die 

3 arma capiunt ; quo iussi erant conveniunt. Consul 
paludatus egrediens in vestibule gentem omnem 
suam instructo agmine videt ; acceptus in medium 
signa ferri iubet. Xumquam exercitus neque minor 
numero neque clarior fama et admiratione hominum 

4 per urbem incessit. Sex et trecenti milites, omnes 
patricii, omnes unius gentis, quorum neminem ducem 
sperneres/ 1 egregius quibuslibet temporibus senatus, 
ibant, unius familiae viribus Veienti populo pestem 

5 minitantes. Sequebatur turba, propria alia cogna- 
torum sodaliumque, nihil medium, nee spem nee 
curam, sed immensa omnia volventium animo, alia 
publica sollicitudine excitata, favore et admiratione 

6 stupens. Ire fortes, ire felices iubent, inceptis even- 

1 sperneres Madvig : sperneret n. 

1 The crimson paludamentum. 


the senate's decision, returned to his house. After B.C. 479 
receiving the command to present themselves armed 
next day at the consul's threshold, they dispersed to 
their homes. 

XLIX. The news spreads to every part of the City JB.C. 
and the Fabii are lauded to the skies. Men tell how 
a single family has taken upon its shoulders the 
burden of a state, how the war with Veii has been 
turned over to private citizens and private arms. If 
there were two other clans of equal strength in the 
City, the one might undertake the Volsci, the other 
the Aequi, and the Roman People might enjoy the 
tranquillity of peace, while all the neighbouring 
nations were being subdued. On the following day 
the Fabii arm and assemble at the designated place. 
The consul, coming forth in the cloak of a general, 1 
sees his entire clan drawn up in his vestibule, and 
being received into their midst gives the order 
to march. Never did an army march through the 
City less in number or more distinguished by the 
applause and the wonder of men : three hundred 
and six soldiers, all patricians, all of one blood, no 
one of whom you would have rejected as a leader, 
and who would have made an admirable senate in 
any period, were going out to threaten the existence 
of the Veientine nation with the resources of a single 
house. They were followed by a throng partly made 
up of people belonging to them, their kinsmen and 
close friends, whose thoughts were busy with no 
mean matters, whether of hope or of fear, but with 
boundless possibilities ; partly of those who were 
moved with concern for the commonwealth, and 
were beside themselves with enthusiasm and amaze- 
ment. "Go," they cry, "in your valour, go with good 



A n.c. tus pares reddere ; consulatus inde ac triumphos, 

275-276 , i r> 

7 omnia praemia ab se,, omnes nonores sperare. 1 rae- 
tereuntibus Capitolium arcemque et alia templa, 
quidquid deorum oculis, quidquid animo occurrit, 
precantur ut illud agmen faustuni atque felix mit- 
tant, sospites brevi in patriam ad parentes restituant. 

8 In cassum missae preces. Infelici via, dextro iano 
portae Carmentalis, profecti ad Cremeram flumen 
perveniunt. Is opportunus visus locus communiendo 

9 L. Aemilius inde et C. Servilius consules facti. 
Et donee nihil aliud quam in populationibus res fuit, 
non ad praesidium modo tutandum Fabii satis erant, 
sed tota regione qua Tuscus ager Romano adiacet, 
sua tuta omnia, infesta hostium vagantes per utrum- 

10 que finem fecere. Intervallum deinde baud magnum 
populationibus fuit, dum et Veientes accito ex Etru- 
ria exercitu praesidium Cremerae oppugnant, et 
Romanae legiones ab L. Aemilio consule adductae 
cominus cum Etruscis dimicant acie. Quamquam 

11 vix dirigendi aciem spatium Veientibus fuit; adeo 
inter primam trepidationem, dum post signa ordines 
introeunt subsidiaque locant, invecta subito ab latere 
Romana equitum ala non pugnae modo incipiendae 

12 sed consistendi ademit locum. Ita fusi retro ad 
Saxa Rubra ibi castra babebant pacem supplices 

1 A name afterwards given to the arch from the result of 
this expedition. 


BOOK II. XLIX. 6-12 

fortune, and crown your undertaking with success as B.O V 
great ! " They bid them look forward to receiving 
consulships at their hands for this work, and triumphs, 
and all rewards and all honours. As they pass by the 
Capitol and the citadel and the other temples, they 
beseech whatever gods present themselves to their 
eyes and their thoughts to attend that noble band 
with blessings and prosperity, and restore them soon 
in safety to their native land and their kindred. 
Their prayers were uttered in vain. Setting out by 
the Unlucky Way, 1 the right arch of the Porta Car- 
mentalis, they came to the river Cremera, a position 
which seemed favourable for the erection of a fort. 

Lucius Aemilius and Gains Servilius were then 
chosen consuls. And so long as nothing more than 
plundering was afoot the Fabii were not only an 
adequate garrison for the fort, but in all that region 
where the Tuscan territory marches with the Roman 
they afforded universal security to their own country- 
men and annoyance to the enemy, by ranging along 
the border on both sides. Then came a brief inter- 
ruption to these depredations, while the men of Veii, 
having called in an army from Etruria, attacked the 
post on the Cremera, and the Roman legions, led 
thither by Lucius Aemilius the consul, engaged them 
in a pitched battle ; though in truth the Veientes 
had scarcely time to draw up a battle-line, for at the 
first alarm, while the ranks were falling in behind 
the standards and the reserves were being posted, a 
division of Roman cavalry made a sudden charge on 
their flank and deprived them of the power not only 
of attacking first, but even of standing their ground. 
And so they were driven back upon Saxa Rubra, 
where they had their camp, and sued for peace. It 



.n.c. petunt ; cuius impetratae ab insita animis levitate 


ante deductum Cremera Romaiium praesidium 
A.TT.O. L Rursus cum Fabiis erat Veienti populo sine 


ullo maioris belli apparatu certamen, nee erant in- 
cursiones modo in agros aut subiti impetus in incur- 
santes, 1 sed aliquotiens aequo campo conlatisque 

2 signis certatum, gensque una populi Romani saepe 
ex opulentissima, ut turn res erant, Etrusca civitate 

3 victoriam tulit. Id primo acerbum indignumque 
Veientibus est visum ; inde consilium ex re iiatum 
insidiis ferocem hostem captandi; gaud ere etiam 

4 multo successu Fabiis audaciam crescere. Itaque et 
pecora praedantibus aliquotiens, velut casu incidis- 
sent, obviam acta, et agrestium fuga vasti relicti 
agri, et subsidia armatorum ad arcendas populationes 
missa saepius simulate quam vero pavore refugerunt. 

6 lamque Fabii adeo contempserant hostem ut sua 
invicta arma neque loco neque tempore ullo crede- 
rent sustineri posse. Haec spes provexit ut ad con- 
specta procul a Cremera magno campi intervallo 
pecora, quamquam rara hostium apparebant arma, 

6 decurrerent. Et cum improvidi effuso cursu insidias 
circa ipsum iter locatas superassent, palatique passim 
vaga, ut fit pavore iniecto, raperent pecora, subito ex 

1 in incursantes Goelel : incursantes ium P : incursantes 
lupi M : incursantiura A. 


BOOK II. XLIX. i2-L. 6 

was granted, but their instinctive fickleness caused B c. 
them to weary of the pact before the Roman garrison 47 - 4 ' 8 
was withdrawn from the Cremera. 

L. Again the Fabii were pitted against the people B.C. 477 
of V T eii. No preparations had been made for a great 
war, yet not only were raids made upon farming 
lands, and surprise attacks upon raiding parties, but 
at times they fought in the open field and in serried 
ranks ; and a single clan of the Roman People often 
carried off the victory from that most mighty state, 
for those days, in all Etruria. At first the Veientes 
bitterly resented this ; but they presently adopted a 
plan, suggested by the situation, for trapping their 
bold enemy, and they even rejoiced as they saw that 
the frequent successes of the Fabii were causing 
them to grow more rash. And so they now and then 
drove flocks in the way of the invaders, as if they 
had come there by accident ; and the country folk 
would flee from their farms and leave them deserted ; 
and rescuing parties of armed men, sent to keep oft 
pillagers, would flee before them in a panic more 
often feigned than real. By this time the Fabii had 
conceived such scorn for the enemy that they be- 
lieved themselves invincible and not to be withstood, 
no matter what the place or time. This confidence 
so won upon them that on catching sight of some 
flocks at a distance from the Cremera, across a wide 
interval of plain, they disregarded the appearance 
here and there of hostile arms, and ran down to 
capture them. Their rashness carried them on at 
a swift pace past an ambuscade which had been laid 
on both sides of their very road. They had scattered 
this way and that and were seizing the flocks, which 
had dispersed in all directions, as they do if terrified, 



o c. insidiis consurgitur, et adversi et undique hostes 

7 erant. Primo clamor eircumlatus exterruit, dein tela 
ab omni parte accidebant ; : coeuntibusque Etruscis 
iam continent! agmine armatorum saepti, quo magis 
se hostis inferebat, cogebantur brcviore spatio et 

8 ipsi orbem colligere, quae res et paucitatem- eorum 
insignem et multitudinem Etruscorum multiplicatis 

9 in arto ordinibus faciebat. Turn omissa pugna quam 
in omnes partes parem intenderant, in unum locum 
se omnes inclinant. Eo nisi corporibus armisque 

10 rupere cuneo viam. Duxit via in editum leniter 3 
collem. Jnde primo restitere ; mox, ut respirandi 
superior locus spatium dedit recipiendique a pavore 
tanto animum, pepulere etiam subeuntes ; vincebat- 
que auxilio loci paucitas, ni iugo circummissus Veiens 
in verticem collis evasisset. Ita superior rursus hostis 

11 factus. Fabii caesi ad unum omnes praesidiumque 
expugnatum. Trecentos sex perisse satis convenit, 
unum prope puberem aetate relictum, stirpem genti 
Fabiae dubiisque rebus populi Romani saepe domi 
bellique vel maximum futurum auxilium. 

A.V c. LI. Cum haec accepta clades est/ iam C. Horatius 

et T. Menenius consules erant. Menenius adversus 

1 accidebant Gtbhard : accedebant ft. 
* et paucitatem I'l AT- : paucitatem H. 

3 leniler - : leuiter Ci. 

4 est Crevier : esset H (but clade se etiam DF). 

1 This was that Fabius, according to the legend, who was 
to become consul ten years later ! See in. x. 


BOOK II. L. 6-Li. i 

when suddenly the ambush rose up, and enemies were B.C. 477 
in front and on every side of them. First the shout 
which echoed all along the Etruscan line filled them 
with consternation, and then the javelins began to 
fall upon them from every quarter; and as the Etrus- 
cans drew together and the Romans were now fenced 
in by a continuous line of armed men, the harder 
the enemy pressed them the smaller was the space 
within which they themselves were forced to contract 
their circle, a thing which clearly revealed both their 
own fewness and the vast numbers of the Etruscans, 
whose ranks were multiplied in the narrow space. 
The Romans then gave up the fight which they had 
been directing equally at every point, and all turned 
in one direction. Thither, by dint of main strength 
and arms, they forced their way with a wedge. Their 
road led up a gentle acclivity. There they at first 
made a stand ; presently, when their superior position 
had afforded them time to breathe and to collect 
their spirits after so great a fright, they actually 
routed the troops which were advancing to dislodge 
them ; and a handful of men, with the aid of a good 
position, were winning the victory, when the Veientes 
who had been sent round by the ridge emerged 
upon the crest of the hill, thus giving the enemy the 
advantage again. The Fabii were all slain to a man, 
and their fort was stormed. Three hundred and six 
men perished, as is generally agreed ; one, who was 
little more than a boy in years, 1 survived to maintain 
the Fabian stock, and so to afford the very greatest 
help to the Roman People in its dark hours, on many 
occasions, at home and in the field. 

LI. When this disaster befel, Gaius Horatius B?c 
and Titus Menenius had begun their consulship. 


A.U.C. 2 Tuscos victoria elatos confestim missus. Turn quo- 


que male pugnatum est, et laniculum hostes occupa- 
vere ; obsessaque urbs foret super bellum annona 
premente transierant enim Etrusci Tiberim, ni 
Horatius consul ex Volscis esset revocatus. Adeo- 
que id bellum ipsis institit moenibus ut primo pug- 
natum ad Spei sit aequo Marte, iterum ad portam 

3 Collinam. Ibi quamquam parvo momento superior 
Romana res fuit, meliorem tamen militem recepto 
pristino animo in futura proelia id certamen fecit. 

4 A. Verginius et Sp. Servilius consules fiunt. Post 
acceptam proxima pugna } cladem Veientes absti- 
nuere acie ; populationes erant, et velut ab arce 
laniculo 2 passim in Romanum agrum impetus da- 
bant ; non usquam pecora tuta, non agrestes erant. 

5 Capti deinde eadem arte sunt qua ceperant Fabios. 
Secuti dedita opera passim ad inlecebras propulsa 
pecora praecipitavere in insidias. Quo plures erant, 

6 maior caedes fuit. Ex hac clade atrox ira maioris 
cladis causa atque initium fuit. Traiecto enim nocte 
Tiberi castra Servili consulis adorti sunt oppugnare. 
Inde fusi magna caede in laniculum se aegre rece- 

7 pere. Confestim consul et ipse transit Tiberim, 

1 proxima pugna Gronov. D1: proxime pugna D or D 1 : 
proxime pugnae D 2 : proximam pugnae fl. 

2 laniculo Madvig : laniculi fl. 


BOOK II. LI. 1-7 

Menenius was at once sent out to confront the Etrus- B.C. 
cans, elated by their victory. Again the Roman arms 
were unsuccessful, and Janiculum was taken by the 
enemy. They would also have laid siege to Rome, 
which was suffering not only from war but from a 
scarcity of corn for the Etruscans had crossed the 
Tiber had not the consul Horatius been recalled 
from the Volscian country ; and so nearly did that 
invasion approach the very walls of the City that 
battles were fought first at the temple of Hope, 
where the result was indecisive, and again at the 
Colline Gate. There, although the advantage to the 
Roman side was but slight, still the engagement 
restored their old-time spirit to the troops and made 
them the better soldiers for the battles that were 
to come. 

Aulus Verginius and Spurius Servilius were made 
consuls. After the defeat the Veientes had suffered 
in the last fight, they avoided a battle and took to 
pillaging. From Janiculum, as from a citadel, they 
sent out expeditions far and wide into the territory 
of the Romans ; there was no security anywhere for 
flocks or country-folk. After a time they were caught 
by the same trick with which they had caught the 
Fabii. Having pursued the flocks which had been 
driven out here and there on purpose to lure them 
on, they' plunged into an ambush, and as their num- 
bers exceeded those of the Fabii so did their losses. 
This disaster threw them into a violent rage, which 
proved the cause and the beginning of a greater 
reverse. For they crossed the Tiber in the night 
and assaulted the camp of the consul Servilius. 
There they were routed with heavy losses and re- 
gained Janiculum with difficulty. Forthwith the 


A.U.C. castra sub laniculo communit. Postero die luce orta 


nonnihil et hesterna felicitate pugnae ferox, magis 
tamen quod inopia frumenti quamvis in praecipitia, 
dum celeriora essent, agebat 1 consilia, temere adverse 

8 laniculo ad castra hostium aciem erexit, foediusque 
inde pulsus quam pridie pepulerat, interventu colle- 

9 gae ipse exercitusque est servatus. Inter duas acies 
Etrusci, cum in vicem his atque illis terga darent, 
occidione occisi. Ita oppressum temeritate felici 
Veiens bellum. 

A.U.C. LI I Urbi cum pace laxior etiam annona rediit, 

/78- 279 

et advecto ex Campania frumento et, postquam timor 
sibi cuique futurae inopiae abiit, eo quod abditum 

2 fuerat prolato. Ex copia deinde otioque lascivire 
rursus animi, et pristina mala, postquam foris de- 

3 erant, domi quaerere. Tribuni plebem agitare suo 
veneno, agraria lege ; in resistentes incitare patres 
nee in universes modo, sed in singulos. Q. Consi- 
dius et T. Genucius, auctores agrariae legis, T. Men- 
enio diem dicunt. Invidiae erat amissum Cremerae 
praesidium, cum baud procul inde stativa consul 

4 habuisset ; ea oppressit, 2 cum et patres baud minus 

agebat R^D^U^ : agebant n. 

2 ea oppressit Gronov. J/? : earn oppressit (or -erunt) fl. 

1 What was the charge? Perhaps that he had failed to 
support the Fabii ; perhaps that he had lost Janiculum by 
his incompetence. 


BOOK II. LI. 7-Lii. 4 
consul himself crossed the Tiber and fortified a camp BC. 

/4**7 A*7ft 

beneath the hill. Next day at dawn, partly because 
he was emboldened by the successful battle of the 
day before, but more because the want of corn drove 
him to the rashest kind of measures, provided only 
they were speedy, he was so reckless as to lead his 
army up Janiculum to the enemy's camp, and after 
suffering a more disgraceful repulse than he had ad- 
ministered the day before, owed his own rescue and 
that of his army to the arrival of his colleague. 
Caught between two lines, the Etruscans turned their 
backs first on one and then on the other, and were 
cut down with great slaughter. Thus the Veientine 
invasion was defeated by a lucky temerity. 

LI I. There came to the City with the return of B.C. 
peace a relaxation in the corn-market ; for not only 
was grain imported from Campania, but now that 
each had ceased to fear for his own future want, 
men brought out the stores which they had con- 
cealed. As a consequence of plenty and idleness a 
spirit of licence again began to affect men's minds, 
and they began to seek at home for the old troubles 
which were no longer to be met with abroad. The 
tribunes roused the plebs to madness with their 
usual poison, a land-law. The Fathers resisted, but 
the tribunes incited the people against them, not as 
a body merely, but as individuals. Quintus Considius 
and Titus Genucius, the proposers of the agrarian 
measure, cited Titus Menenius to appear for trial. 1 
He had incurred the dislike of the plebs owing to 
the loss of the outpost on the Cremera, when he as 
consul had occupied a permanent camp not far away ; 
and this unpopularity was his undoing, though the 
senators exerted themselves in his behalf no less 



quam pro Coriolano adnisi essent, et patris Agrippae 

5 favor hauddum exolevisset. In inulta temperarunt 
tribuni ; cum capitis anquisissent, duorum milium l 
aeris damnato multam dixerunt. 2 Ea in caput vertit. 
Negant tulisse ignominiam aegritudinemque ; inde 
morbo absumptum esse. 

6 Alius delude reus Sp. Servilius, ut consulatu abiit, 
C. Nautio et P. Valerio consulibus, initio statim anni 
ab L. Caedicio et T. Statio tribunis die dicta non, ut 
Menenius, precibus suis aut patrum, sed cum multa 
fiducia innocentiae gratiaeque tribunicios impetus 

7 tulit. Et huic proelium cum Tuscis ad laniculum 
erat crimini. Sed fervidi animi vir, ut in publico 
periculo ante, sic turn in suo, lion tribunos modo sed 
plebem oratione feroci refutandoj exprobrandoque 
T. Meneni damnationem mortemque, cuius patris 
munere restituta quondam plebs eos ipsos quibus 
turn saeviret magistratus, eas leges haberet, peri- 

8 culum audacia discussit. luvit et Verginius collega 
testis productus, participando laudes; magis tamen 
Menenianum adeo mutaverant animi profuit iudi- 

LIIL Certamina domi finita : Veiens bellum exor- 
turn, quibus Sabini arma coniunxerant. P. Valerius 

1 duorum milium Reid : duo milia fl : duo 0. 

2 multam dixerunt j- : multam (inulta 21) edixerunt (edux- 
erunt //) H. 



BOOK II. LII. 4-Lin. i 

than they had done for Coriolanus, and though the 
favour enjoyed by his father Agrippa had not yet 476 ~ 475 
passed away. In respect to the penalty the tribunes 
showed restraint; though they had charged him with 
a capital offence, they fixed the fine of the con- 
demned at two thousand asses. But it cost him his 
life ; they say that he could not endure the shame 
and grief, and from this cause fell ill and died. 

Another man was then put upon his trial, namely 
Spurius Servilius. He had laid down the consulship 
and been succeeded by Gaius Nautius and Publius 
Valerius, when he was cited, in the very beginning 
of the year, by the tribunes Lucius Caedicius and 
Titus Statius. Unlike Menenius, he did not meet the 
attacks of the tribunes with entreaties, preferred by 
himself or the senators, but with high confidence in 
his innocence and popularity. He, too, was accused 
in connection with the battle against the Etruscans 
at Janiculum. But the fiery courage of the man had 
not been more in evidence in the nation's hour of 
peril than it was then in his own, and he confuted not 
only the tribunes but the plebs, upbraiding them, in 
a daring speech, with the condemnation and death 
of Menenius, to whose father, he declared, the plebs 
formerly owed their restoration and the possession 
of those very magistrates and 'laws which were the 
tools of their cruelty. This boldness swept away the 
danger. He was helped, too, by Verginius, his col- 
league, who, being called as a witness, shared his own 
credit with Servilius. But the trial of Menenius 
stood him in even better stead, so great a revulsion 
of feeling had set in. 

LIU. Domestic strife was at an end ; but war broke 
out with the Veientes, with whom the Sabines had 
united their arms. Publius Valerius the consul was 



A.D.C. consul accitis Latinorum Hernicorumque auxiliis cum 


exercitu Veios missus castra Sabina, quae pro moeni- 
bus sociorum locata erant, confestim adgreditur tan- 
tamque trepidationem iniecit ut, dum dispersi alii 
alia manipulatim excurrunt ad arcendam hostium 
vim, ea porta cui signa primum intulerat caperetur. 

2 Intra vallum deinde caedes magis quam proelium 
esse. Tumultus e castris et in urbem penetrat ; tam- 
quam Veiis captis, ita pavidi Veientes ad arma cur- 
runt. Pars Sabinis eunt subsidio, pars Romanos toto 

3 impetu intentos in castra adoriuntur. Paulisper 
aversi turbatique sunt ; deinde et ipsi utroque versis 
signis resistunt, et eques ab consule immissus Tuscos 
fundit fugatque ; eademque hora duo exercitus, duae 
potentissimae et maximae finitimae gentes superatae 

4 Dum haec ad Veios geruntur, Volsci Aequique in 
Latino agro posuerant castra populatique fines erant. 
Eos per se ipsi Latini adsumptis Hernicis sine Ro- 

6 mano aut duce aut auxilio castris exuerunt ; ingenti 
praeda praeter suas reciperatas res potiti sunt. Mis- 
sus tamen ab Roma consul in Volscos C. Nautius ; 
mos, credo, non placebat sine Romano duce exer- 
cituque socios propriis viribus consiliisque bella 



dispatched to Veil with an army to which had been B c. 
added auxiliaries from the Latins and the Hernici. 
He at once advanced upon the Sabine camp, which 
had been established in front of the walls of their 
allies, and threw the enemy into such confusion that, 
while they were running out in small groups, some 
one way and some another, to repel the attack of the 
Romans, he captured the gate against which he had 
directed his first assault. What followed within the 
stockade was a massacre rather than a battle. The 
sounds of confusion in the camp penetrated even to 
the city, and the frightened inhabitants ran hastily 
to their weapons, as though Veii had been surprised. 
Some went to the rescue of the Sabines, others as- 
sailed the Romans, who were wholly preoccupied with 
the camp. For a moment the Romans were discon- 
certed and thrown into disorder ; then they, too, faced 
both ways and made a stand, and the horse which the 
consul sent into the fight dispersed and routed the 
Etruscans. In one and the same hour two armies, 
two of the greatest and most powerful neighbouring 
nations, were defeated. 

While these victories were being won at Veii, the 
Volsci and the Aequi had encamped on Latin soil, 
and had laid waste the country. These the Latins, 
acting independently, with the assistance of the 
Hernici, but without either general or aid from Rome, 
despoiled of their camp. Immense booty, in addition 
to property of their own which they recovered, fell 
into their hands. Nevertheless a consul, Gaius Nautius, 
was sent from Rome against the Volsci. The prece- 
dent, I suppose, of allies waging wars, without a 
Roman commander and army, by means of their own 
forces and their own strategy, was not welcome. 



A.U.C. 6 gerere. Null urn genus calamitatis contumeliaeque 
non editum in Volscos est, nee tamen perpelli l 
potuere ut acie dimicarent. 

A.U.C. LIV. L. Furius hide et C. Manlius 2 consoles. 


Manlio Veientes provincia evenit. Non tamen bella- 
tum ; indutiae in annos quadraginta petentibus datae 

2 frumento stipendioque imperato. Paci 3 externae 
confestim continuatur discordia domi. Agrariae legis 
tribuniciis stimulis plebs furebat. Consules, nihil 
Merieni damnatione, nihil periculo deterriti Servili, 
summa vi resistant. Abeuntes magistratu Cn. Genu- 
cius tribunus plebis arripuit. 

3 L. Aemilius et Opiter Verginius consulatum in- 
eunt ; Vopiscum lulium pro Verginio in quibusdam 
annalibus consulem invenio. Hoc anno quoscum- 
que consoles habuit rei ad populum Furius et Man- 
lius 4 circumeunt sordidati non plebem magis quam 

4 iuniores patrum. Suadent, monent, honoribus et 
administratione rei publicae abstineant ; consulares 
vero fasces, praetextam curulemque sellam nihil aliud 
quam pompam funeris putent ; claris insignibus velut 

5 infulis velatos ad mortem destinari. Quod si consu- 
latus tanta dulcedo sit, iam nunc ita in animum indu- 
cant consulatum captum et oppressum ab tribunicia 
potestate esse ; consuli, velut apparitori tribunicio, 

1 perpeili A'V : perpeti H. 

2 J\la!i!ias (below Manlio OM] : Manilius (below Manilio) 
ft, and Uuxxiod. C.I.L. i 2 , p. 103. 8 paci 5- .- pacis n : facis M. 

4 Manlius MOH1WL : Manilius PFUB. 


BOOK II. LIU. 5-Liv. 5 

There was no species of disaster or indignity which B.C. 
was not visited upon the Volsci, yet they could not 
be forced into giving battle. 

LIV. Lucius Furius and Gaius Manlius were the -c. 


next consuls. To Manlius fell the command against 
the Veientes. But there was no war ; a truce for forty 
years was granted, at their solicitation, and corn and 
a money-indemnity were exacted of them. The 
foreign peace was immediately succeeded by quarrels 
at home. The land-law with which the tribunes 
goaded the plebs excited them to the pitch of mad- 
ness. The consuls, not a jot intimidated by the con- 
demnation of Menenius, not a jot by the danger ot 
Servilius, resisted the measure with the utmost 
violence. As their term expired, Gnaeus Genucius, a 
plebeian tribune, haled them to trial. 

Lucius Aemilius and Opiter Verginius entered 
upon the consulship. Vopiscus Julius I find given as 
consul in certain annals, instead of Verginius. This 
year whoever its consuls were Furius and Manlius 
went about among the people as men accused, in 
garments of mourning, seeking out the younger patri- 
cians, as well as the plebeians. They advised them, 
they warned them to forbear from office-holding and 
the administration of the public business ; as for the 
consular fasces, the purple-bordered toga, and the 
curule chair, these they should regard in no other 
light than as the pageantry of burial ; for splendid 
insignia, like the fillets placed on victims, doomed 
the wearer to death. But if the consulship was so 
alluring to them, let them recognize at once that 
it had been fettered and enslaved by the might 
of the tribunes ; that the consul, as though an at- 
tendant upon those officials, must be subject in all 



A.U.C. omnia ad nutuin imperiumque tribuni agenda esse ; 

280-281 ... ... 

6 si se commovent, si respexent patres, si aluid quam 
plebem esse in re publica crediderit, exsilium Cn. 
Marci, Meneni damnationem et mortem sibi propo- 

7 nat l ante oculos. His accensi vocibus patres con- 
silia 2 inde non publica, sed in privato seductaque a 
plurium conscientia habuere. Ubi cum id modo 
constaret, iure an iniuria eripiendos esse reos, atro- 
cissima quaeque maxime placebat sententia, nee 

8 auctor quamvis audaci facinori deerat. Igitur iudicii 
die, cum plebs in foro erecta exspectatione staret, 
mirari primo quod non descenderet tribunus ; dein, 
cum iam mora suspectior fieret, deterritum a primo- 
ribus credere et desertam ac proditam causam publi- 

9 cam queri ; tandem qui obversati vestibule tribuni 
fuerant nuntiant domi mortuum esse inventum. 
Quod ubi in totam contionem pertulit rumor, sicut 
acies funditur duce occiso, ita dilapsi passim alii alio. 
Praecipuus pavor tribunos invaserat, quam nihil 
auxilii sacratae leges haberent morte collegae moni- 

10 tos. Nee patres satis moderate ferre laetitiam ; adeo- 
que neminem noxiae paenitebat ut etiam insontes 
fecisse videri vellent, palamque ferretur malo do- 
mandam tribuniciam potestatem. 

1 proponat Ulg-: proponant 

2 consilia n : concilia Gronov. 

1 i.e. from his home : the Forum was lower than the resi- 
dential parts of Rome. 


BOOK II. LIV. 5-10 

he did to their beck and cull ; if he should bestir him- B.C. 
self, if he should show consideration for the patricians, 474 ~ 473 
if he should believe that the state comprised any other 
element than the plebs let him call to mind the 
exile of Gnaeus Marcius, the condemnation of Menen- 
ius and his death. Fired by these speeches, the 
senators began to hold councils, no longer publicly, 
but in private, where the people could not learn 
their plans. In these deliberations there was but one 
guiding principle, that by fair means or foul the de- 
fendants must be got off. The more truculent a sug- 
gestion was, the greater was the favour it evoked, and 
an agent was not wanting for the most daring crime. 
Well then, on the day of the trial the plebeians were 
in the Forum, on tiptoe with expectation. At first 
they were filled with amazement because the tribune 
did not come down ; l then, when at length his delay 
began to look suspicious, they supposed he had been 
frightened away by the nobles, and fell to complaining 
of his desertion and betrayal of the people's cause ; 
finally, those who had presented themselves at the 
tribune's vestibule brought back word that he had 
been found dead in his house. When this report had 
spread through all the gathering, the crowd, like an 
army which takes to flight at the fall of its general, 
melted away on every side. The tribunes were 
particularly dismayed, for the death of their colleague 
warned them how utterly ineffectual to protect them 
were the laws that proclaimed their sanctity. Nor 
did the senators place a proper restraint upon their 
satisfaction ; so far, indeed, was anyone from repenting 
of the guilty deed that even the innocent desired to 
be thought its authors, and men openly asserted that 
chastisement must be employed to curb the power of 

the tribunes. 



A.U.O. LV. Sub hanc pessimi exempli victoriam 1 dilectus 

edicitur, paventibusque tribunis sine intercessione 

2 ulla consules reni peragunt. Turn vero irasci plebs 
tribunorum magis silentio quam consulum imperio, 
et dicere actum esse de libertate sua, rursus ad anti- 
qua reditum ; cum Genucio una mortuam ac sepultam 
tribuniciam potestutem. Aliud agendum ac cogi- 

3 tandum, quomodo resistatur patribus ; id autem 
unum consilium esse ut se ipsa plebs, quando aliud 
nihil auxilii habeat, defendat. Quattuor et viginti 
lictores apparere consulibus et eos ipsos plebis homi- 
nes ; nihil contemptius neque infirmius, si sint qui 
contemnant ; sibi quemque ea magna atque horrenda 

4 facere. His vocibus alii alios cum incitassent, ad 
Voleronem Publilium, de plebe hominem, quia, quod 
ordines duxisset, negaret se militem fieri debere^ 

5 lictor missus est a consulibus. Volero appellat tri- 
bunos. Cum auxilio nemo esset, consules spoliari 
hominem et virgas expediri iubent. " Provoco/' in- 
quit "ad populum" Volero, "quoniam tribuni civem 
Romanum in conspectu suo virgis caedi malunt qiram 
ipsi in lecto suo a vobis trucidari." Quo ferocius 
clamitabat, eo infestius circumscindere et spoliare 

6 lictor. Turn Volero et praevalens ipse et adiuvanti- 
bus advocatis repulso lictore, ubi indignantium pro 

1 hanc . . . victoriam Gronov. : hac . . . uictoria n. 

1 Livy mentions another instance of a conscript's objecting 
to serve in a rank lower than that he had previously held, in 
XLII. xxxiii. 3 ; but it does not appear that the men had any 
prescriptive right in the matter. 


BOOK II. LV. 1-6 

LV. Immediately following this pernicious victory B.C. 47S 
a levy was proclaimed, which the timorousness of 
the tribunes allowed the consuls to push through 
without ever a veto. But this time the commons 
were fairly roused to anger, more by the silence of 
the tribunes than by the consuls' power. They de- 
clared that it was all up with their liberty ; that 
men had gone back to their old ways ; that with 
Genucius the tribunician power had suffered death and 
burial. They must adopt another course and other 
plans to resist the patricians ; but the only \vay was 
this: that the plebs should undertake their own de- 
fence, since they had no one else to help them. 
Twenty-four lictors were all the retinue of the con- 
suls, and even these were plebeians. Nothing was 
more contemptible or weaker, if there were any to 
contemn ; it was every man's own imagination that 
made them great and awe-inspiring. They had incited 
one another with arguments of this sort when the 
consuls sent a lictor to arrest Volero Publilius, a 
plebeian, who, on the ground that he had been a 
centurion, denied their right to make him a common 
soldier. 1 Volero called upon the tribunes. When no 
one came to aid him, the consuls gave orders to strip 
the man and get out the rods. " I appeal," cried 
Volero, "to the people, since the tribunes would 
rather a Roman citizen should be scourged with rods 
before their eyes than themselves be murdered in their 
beds by you." But the more boldly he shouted the 
more roughly the lictor fell to tearing off his clothes 
and stripping him. Then Volero, who was himself 
a powerful man and was helped by those he had 
called to his assistance, beat off the lictor and, choos- 
ing the place where the uproar of his sympathisers 



A-U.C. se acerrimus erat clamor, eo se in turbam confertis- 


simam recipit clamitans : " Provoco et fidem plebis 

7 imploro. Adeste cives, adeste commilitones ; nihil 
est quod exspectetis tribunes, quibus ipsis vestro 

8 auxilio opus est." Concitati homines veluti ad proe- 
lium se expediunt ; apparebatque omne discrimen 
adesse, nihil cuiquam sanctum non public! fore, non 

9 privati iuris. Huic tantae tempestati cum se con- 
sules obtulissent, facile expert! sunt parum tutam 
maiestatem sine viribus esse. Violatis lictoribus, 
fascibus fractis e foro in curiam compelluntur, incerti 

10 quatenus Volero exerceret victoriam. Conticescente 
deinde tumultu cum in senatum vocari iussissent, 
queruntur iniurias suas, vim plebis, Voleronis auda- 

11 ciam. Multis ferociter dictis sententiis vicere seni- 
ores, quibus ira patrum adversus temeritatem plebis 
certari non placuit. 

LVI. Voleronem amplexa favore plebs proximis 
comitiis tribunum plebi creat in eum annum qui 

2 L. Pinarium P. Furium consules habuit. Contraque 
omnium opinionem, qui eum vexandis prioris anni 
consulibus permissurum tribunatum credebant, post 
publicam causam privato dolore habito, ne verbo 
quidem violatis consulibus, rogationem tulit ad popu- 
lum ut plebeii magistratus tributis comitiis fierent. 

3 Haud parva res sub titulo prima specie minime 

1 It is not clear how Livy supposed that these officials had 
formerly been elected. Perhaps Volero merely aimed at 
securing by legal sanction what the state had always recog- 
nized in practice, viz. that plebeian magistrates should be 
chosen by none but plebeians. But this was not Livy's 
view, as is clear from Iviii. 1. 


BOOK II. LV. 6-Lvi. 3 

was the angriest, plunged into the thick of the crowd, B.C. 473 
calling out, " I appeal, and implore the protection of 
the plebs ; help, citizens ! help, fellow-soldiers ! It is 
useless for you to wait for the tribunes, who them- 
selves stand in need of aid from you." In their 
excitement men made ready as if to fight a battle, 
and it was evident that anything might happen, that 
nobody would respect any right, whether public or 
private. The consuls, exposed to this furious tempest, 
were quickly convinced of the insecurity of majesty 
when unaccompanied with force. The lictors were 
roughly handled and their rods were broken, while 
the consuls themselves were driven out of the Forum 
into the Curia, with no means of knowing how far 
Volero might use his victory. Afterwards, when the 
uproar began to die away, they summoned the Fathers 
into the senate-house and complained of the insults 
they had suffered, the violence of the plebs, and 
Volero' s outrageous conduct. Though many daring 
opinions were expressed, the wishes of the older men 
prevailed, who had no mind to a conflict between an 
angry senate and a reckless plebs. 

LVI. Volero, having been taken into favour by B.C. 

4*^0 4*71 

the plebs, was at the next election made plebeian 
tribune for that year which had Lucius Pinarius 
and Publius Furius for consuls. And contrary to the 
expectation of all, who believed that he would em- 
ploy his tribuneship in persecuting the consuls of 
the preceding year, he set the general welfare above 
his private grievance, and without attacking the 
consuls by so much as a word, brought a bill before 
the people providing that plebeian magistrates should 
be chosen in the tribal assembly. 1 It was no trivial 
matter which he proposed under this form, which at 


A.U c. atroci ferebatur, sed quae patriciis omnem potesta- 


tern per clientium suffragia creandi quos vellent tri- 

4 bunos aufcrret. Huic actioni gratissimae plebi cum 
summa vi resisterent patres nee, quae una vis ad 
resistendum erat, ut intercederet aliquis ex collegio, 
auctoritate aut consulum aut principum adduci pos- 
set, res tamen suo ipsa molimine gravis certaminibus 

5 in annum extrahitur. Plebs Voleronem tribunum 
reficit : patres, ad ultimum dimicationis rati rem 
venturam, Ap. Claudium Appi filium, iam inde a 
paternis certaminibus invisum infestumque plebi, 
consulem faciunt. Collega ei T. Quinctius datur. 

6 Principle statim anni nihil prius quam de lege 
agebatur. Sed ut inventor legis Volero, sic Lae- 
torius collega eius auctor cum recentior turn acrior 

7 erat. Ferocem faciebat belli gloria ingens, quod 
aetatis eius haud quisquam manu promptior erat. 
Is, cum Volero nihil praeterquam de lege loqueretur, 
insectatione abstinens consulum, ipse accusationem l 
Appi familiaeque superbissimae ac crudelissimae in 

8 plebem Romanam exorsus, cum a patribus non con- 
sulem, sed carnificem ad vexandam et lacerandam 
plebem creatum esse contenderet, rudis in militari 
homine lingua non suppetebat libertati animoque. 

9 Itaque deficiente oratione, " Quando quidem non 

1 accusationem Or trier : in accusationem n. 

BOOK II. LVI. 3-9 

first sight appeared so harmless, but one that com- B.C. 
pletely deprived the patricians of the power of using 4 ' 2 ~ 471 
their clients' votes to select what tribunes they liked. 
This measure was extremely welcome to the plebs ; 
the Fathers opposed it with all their might, yet the 
only effectual resistance to wit, a veto by some 
member of the tribunician college neither consuls 
nor nobles were sufficiently influential to command. 


Nevertheless the legislation, which its very import- 
ance rendered difficult, was drawn out by party 
strife to the end of the year. The plebs re-elected 
Volero tribune : the senators, thinking the quarrel 
was sure to proceed to extremities, made Appius 
Claudius, son of Appius, consul, a man whose un- 
popularity with the plebs and hostility towards them 
went back to the struggles between their fathers. 
For colleague they gave him Titus Quinctius. 

The new year was no sooner begun than discussion 
of the law took precedence of everything else, and 
it was urged not only by its author, Volero, but by 
his colleague Laetorius as well, whose advocacy of it 
was at once fresher and more acrimonious. He was 
emboldened by the great reputation he enjoyed as a 
soldier, since no one of that generation surpassed 
him in physical prowess. While Volero spoke of 
nothing but the law, and forbore to inveigh against 
the consuls' persons, Laetorius launched out into an 
arraignment of Appius and his family, as most cruel 
and arrogant towards the Roman plebs. But when 
he strove to show that the patricians had elected, not 
a consul, but an executioner, to harass and torture 
the plebeians, the inexperienced tongue of the soldier 
was inadequate to express his audacity and spirit. 
Accordingly when words began to fail him he cried, 



A.O.C. tam l facile loquor/' inquit, " Quirites, quam quod 
locutus sum praesto, crastino die adeste. Ego hie 
aut in conspectu vestro moriar aut perferam legem." 

10 Occupant tribuni templum postero die ; consules 
nobilitasque ad impediendam legem in contione con- 
sistunt. Summoveri Laetorius iubet, praeterquam 

11 qui suffragium ineant. Adulescentes nobiles stabant 
nihil cedentes viatori. Turn ex his prendi quosdam 
Laetorius iubet. Consul Appius riegare ius esse 
tribune in quemquam nisi in plebeium ; non enim 

12 populi sed plebis eum magistratum esse ; nee ilium 
ipsum 2 summovere pro imperio posse more maiorum, 
quia ita dicatur : " Si vobis videtur, discedite, Qui- 
rites." Facile 3 contemptim de iure disserendo per- 

13 turbare Laetorium poterat. Ardens igitur ira tribu- 
nus viatorem mittit ad consulem, consul lictorem ad 
tribunum, privatum esse clamitans, sine imperio, sine 

14 magistrate ; violatusque esset tribunus, ni et contio 
omnis atrox coorta pro tribune in consulem esset, et 
concursus hominum in forum ex tota urbe concitatae 
multitudinis fieret. Sustinebat tamen Appius perti- 

15 nacia tantam tempestatern ; certatumque haud in- 
cruento proelio foret, ni Quinctius, consul alter, con- 
sularibus negotio dato ut collegam vi, si aliter non 

1 tam inserted by $- Madvig. 

2 ilium ipsum fl: illam ipsam (i.e. plebem) Conway. 

3 facile Drakenborch ,- : facile et fl. 

1 The word templum might be applied to any space duly 
marked oft' by augural ceremonies. Here it means the 
speakers' platform in the comitium. 


BOOK II. LVI. 9-15 

"Since speech is not so easy for me, Quirites, as it is -c v 
to make good what I have spoken, be at hand to- 
morrow. 1 will either die here in your sight or carry 
through the law." The tribunes were the first on the 
scene next day, and possessed themselves of the 
rostra; 1 the consuls and nobles took their stand in 
the assembly, with the purpose of obstructing the 
passage of the law. Laetorius ordered the removal ot 
all but those who were voting. The youthful nobles 
stayed where they were and would not give way at 
the officer's behest. Then certain of them were 
ordered by Laetorius to be seized. The consul 
Appius declared that the tribune had no authority 
over anybody but a plebeian, seeing that he was not 
a magistrate of the people, but of the plebs; and even 
if he were, he could not, consistently with the cus- 
tom of the Fathers, command the removal of anyone, 
by virtue of his authority, since the formula ran thus : 
" If it seems good to you, depart, Quirites." It was an 
easy matter to throw Laetorius into a passion by these 
contemptuous remarks about his rights. It was there- 
fore in a blaze of anger that the tribune dispatched 
his attendant to the consul ; while the consul sent 
his lictor to the tribune, crying out that Laetorius 
was a private citizen, without power, and no magis- 
trate ; and the tribune would have been mishandled, 
had not the whole assembly rallied fiercely to his 
support against the consul, while men rushed into 
the Forum from all over the City, in an excited 
throng. Still, Appius was obstinately holding out, 
despite the fury of the tempest, and a sanguinary 
battle would have ensued, if Quinctius, the other 
consul, had not entrusted the senators of consular 
rank with the task of getting his colleague out 



A.U.O. possent. de foro abducerent, ipse mine plebem saevi^ 


entem precibus lenisset, nunc orasset tribunes ut 

16 concilium dimitterent : darent irae spatium ; non 

vim suam illis tempus adempturum, sed consilium 

viribus additurum, et patres in populi et consulem 

in patrum fore potestate. 

A 2ss C ' LVII. Aegre sedata ab Quinctio plebs, multo 

2 aegrius consul alter a patribus. Dimisso tandem 
concilio plebis senatum consules habent. Ubi cum 
timor atque ira in vicem sententias variassent, quo 
magis spatio interposito ab impetu ad consul- 
tandum avocabantur/ eo plus abhorrebant a certa- 
tione animi, adeo ut Quinctio gratias agerent, quod 

3 eius opera mitigata discordia esset. Ab Appio 
petitur ut tantam consularem maiestatem esse vellet 
quanta esse in concordi civitate posset : dum tribuni 
consulesque ad se quisque omnia trahant, nihil relic- 
turn esse virium in medio ; distractam laceratamque 
rem publicam ; magis quorum in manu sit quam ut 

4 incolumis sit quaeri. Appius contra testari deos 
atque homines rem publicam prodi per metum ac 
deseri, non consulem senatui sed senatum consuli 
deesse ; graviores accipi leges quam in Sacro monte 
acceptae sint. Victus tamen patrum consensu quie- 

1 avocabantur j- : aduocabantur (-batur M) il. 

BOOK II. LVI. 15-Lvn. 4 

of the Forum, by force, if they could not achieve B .c. 
it otherwise ; while he himself now appealed to the 47>2 - 47J 
raging populace with soothing entreaties, and now 
besought the tribunes to dismiss the council. Let 
them give their anger time : time would not rob 
them of their power, but would add wisdom to their 
strength ; the Fathers would be subject to the 
people, and the consul to the Fathers. 

LVII. It was hard for Quinctius to still the B.C. 471 
plebs ; much harder for the senators to quiet the 
other consul. At length the council of the plebs 
was adjourned, and the consuls convened the 
senate. At this meeting alternating hope and fear 
gave rise to conflicting opinions. But in propor- 
tion as their passions cooled with the lapse of 
time and gave way to deliberation, their minds more 
and more revolted from the struggle ; insomuch 
that they passed a vote of thanks to Quinctius, be- 
cause it was due to him that the quarrel had been 
abated. They desired Appius to be content that the 
majesty of the consul should be no greater than was 
compatible with harmony in the state, pointing out 
that while tribunes and consuls were each striving 
to carry things his own way there was no strength 
left in the nation at large, and the commonwealth 
was torn and mangled, the question being rather in 
whose power it was than how it might be safe. Appius, 
on the other hand, called gods and men to witness that 
the state was being betrayed through cowardice, and 
abandoned ; that it was not the consul who was fail- 
ing the senate, but the senate the consul ; that harder 
terms were being accepted than had been accepted 
on the Sacred Mount. Nevertheless he was borne 
down by the senate's unanimity and held his peace. 


VOL. I. P 


A.U.C. vit. Lex silentio perfertur. LVI1I. Turn primum 
tributis comitiis creati tribuni sunt. Numero etiam 
additos l tres, perinde ac duo antea fuerint, Piso 

2 a actor est. Nominat quoque tribunos, Cn. Siccium, 
L. Xumitorium, M. Duillium, 2 Sp. Icilium, 3 L. Mae- 
cilium. 4 

3 Volscum Aequicumque 5 inter seditionem Roma- 
nani est 6 bellum coortum. Vastaverant ao-ros ut, si 

O " 

qua secessio plebis fieret, ad se receptum haberet ; 

4 compositis deinde rebus castra retro movere. Ap. 
Claudius in Volscos missus, Quinctio Aequi provincia 
evenit. Eadem in militia saevitia Appi quae domi 
esse, liberior quod sine tribuniciis vinculis erat. 

5 Odisse plebem plus quam paterno odio : quid? se" 
victum ab ea, se unico consule electo adversus tribu- 
niciam potestatem perlatam legem esse, quam minore 
conatu, nequaquam tanta pat rum spe, priores impe- 

6 dierint 8 consules ? Haec ira indignatioque ferocem 
animum ad vexandum saevo imperio exercitum stimu- 
labat. Nee ulla vi domari poterat, tantum certamen 

7 animis imbiberant. Segniter, otiose, neglegeriter, 
contumaciter omnia agere ; nee pudor nee metus 
coercebat ; si citius agi vellet agmeii, tardius sedulo 

1 additos 5- : addito n. 2 Duillium - : Duellium fi. 

8 Icilium 5-: ilicium (or illi-) H. 
4 ISIaecilium Conway : Mecilium (or melicium) fl. 
6 Aequicumque 5- : et quicumque n. 

6 est ,- : et n. 

7 odio : quid ? se Weissenborn : odio quod se (or odio se) fl. 

8 impedierint Ehenanus : impedierunt (or -rant) fl. 


BOOK II. IAII. 4-Lvin. 7 

The law was passed without opposition. LVIII. Then B.C. 471 
for the first time tribunes were elected in the tribal 
assembly. That their number -was also increased by 

/ / 

three, as if there had been only two before, is stated 
by Piso. He also gives the names of the tribunes : 
Gnaeus Siccius, Lucius Numitorius, Marcus Duillius, 
Spurius Icilius, Lucius Maecilius. 

While Rome was thus distracted, the Volsci and 
the Aequi began war. They had laid waste the fields 
in order that the plebeians, if they should secede, 
might find a refuge with them. 1 Then, when the 
matter was settled, they withdrew their camp. Ap- 
pius Claudius was sent against the V^olsci; to Quinctius 
fell the command against the Aequi. In his conduct 
in the field Appius displayed the same violence that 
he had shown in Rome, and it now had freer play 
because it was not hampered by the tribunes. He 
hated the plebs with a hatred that surpassed his 
father's : What ? Had he been beaten by them ? 
Was it in his consulship, who had been chosen as 
pre-eminently fitted to resist the tribunician power, 
that a law had been passed which former consuls had 
prevented, with less effort and by no means so much 
hope of success on the part of the patricians ? His 
wrath and indignation at this thought drove his fierce 
spirit to torment the army with a savage exercise of 
authority. Yet he was unable by any violence to 
subdue them, so deeply had their spirits drunk ot 
opposition. Sloth, idleness, neglect, and obstinacy 
were in all they did. Neither shame nor fear re- 
strained them. If he wished the column to advance 
more rapidly they deliberately retarded their pace ; 

1 To lay waste Roman lands they must first enter them, and 
the purpose clause depends really upon this implied meaning 
of vastarerant. 


P 2 


A.U.C. incedere ; si adhortator operis adesset, omnes sua 


8 sponte motarn remittere industriam ; praesenti vol- 
tus demittere, 1 tacite praetereuntem exsecrari, ut in- 
victus ille odio plebeio animus interdum moveretur. 

9 Omni nequiquam acerbitate prompta nihil iam cum 
militibus agere, a centurionibus corruptum exercitum 
dicere, tribunes plebei cavillans interdum et Vole- 
rones vocare. 

LIX. Nihil eorum Volsci nesciebant, instabant- 
que eo magis sperantes idem certameii animorum 
adversus Appium habiturum exercitum Romanum 

2 quod adversus Fabium consulem habuisset. Ceterum 
multo Appio quam Fabio violentior fuit ; non 
enim vincere tantum noluit, ut Fabianus exer- 
citus, sed vinci voluit. Productus in aciem turpi 
fuga petit castra, nee ante restitit quam signa infe- 
rentem Volscum munimentis vidit foedamque ex- 

3 tremi agminis caedem. Turn expressa vis ad pug- 
nandum ut victor iam a vallo submoveretur hostis, 
satis tamen appareret capi tantum castra militem 
Romanum noluisse, alibi 2 gaudere sua clade atque 

4 ignominia. Quibus nihil infractus ferox Appi ani- 
mus cum insuper saevire vellet contionemque advo- 
caret, concurrunt ad eum legati tribunique monentes 

1 demittere g- : dimittere ft. 

3 alibi Weissenborn : alii fi : alioqui Walters. 


BOOK II. LVIII. 7-Lix. 4 

if he stood by to encourage their work, they would B.C. 471 
all relax the industry they had manifested of their 
own accord. In his presence they sunk their gaze ; 
as he passed by they cursed him under their breath ; 
till that proud spirit, which the hatred of the plebs 
had never broken,, was at times disturbed. After 
exhausting every species of severity without effect, 
he would have no more to do with the men ; the 
centurions, he said, had corrupted the army, and he 
sometimes sneeringly dubbed them " tribunes of the 
plebs" and "Voleros." 

LIX. Every one of these circumstances was known 
to the Volsci, and they pressed their enemy the 
harder, hoping that the Roman army would ex- 
hibit the same spirited opposition to Appius which 
it had evinced towards the consul Fabius. But 
Appius found his men far more unruly than had 
Fabius ; for not only were they unwilling to conquer, 
as the Fabian army had been, but they wished to be 
conquered. Being drawn out into battle-order, they 
basely fled and sought their camp; nor did they make 
a stand until they saw the Volsci advancing against 
their fortifications and inflicting a disgraceful slaughter 
upon their rearguard. This compelled them to exert 
themselves and fight, with the result that the enemy 
was dislodged from the stockade in the moment of 
victory. Yet it was evident enough that the capture 
of their camp was the only thing at which the Roman 
soldiers balked, and that elsewhere they rejoiced at 
their own defeat and ignominy. These things in no 
wise daunted the haughty spirit of Appius. But when 
he would have gone further and have vented his rage 
upon the army, and was issuing orders for an assembly, 
the lieutenants and tribunes gathered hurriedly about 


A.U.C. ne utique experiri vellet imperium cuius vis omnis in 


6 consensu oboedientium esset. Negare volgo milites 
se ad contionem ituros, passimque exaudiri voces 
postulantiuni ut castra ex Volsco agro moveantur. 
hostem victorem paulo ante prope in portis ac vallo 
fuisse, ingentisque mail non suspicionem modo sed 

6 apertam speciem obversari ante oculos. Victus tan- 
dem, quando quidem nihil praeter tempus noxae 
lucrarentur, reniissa contione iter in insequentem 
diem pronuntiavi cum iussisset, prima luce classico 

7 signum profectionis dedit. Cum maxime agmen e 
castris explicaretur, Yolsci, ut eodem signo excitati, 
novissimos adoriuntur. A quibus perlatus ad primes 
tumultus eo pavore signaque et ordines turbavit ut 
neque imperia exaudiri neque instrui acies posset. 

8 Nemo ullius nisi fugae memor. Ita effuso agmine 
per stragem corporum armorumque evasere ut prius 

9 bostis desisteret sequi quam Romanus fugere. Tan- 
dem conlectis ex dissipate cursu militibus consul, 
cum revocando nequiquam suos persecutus esset, in 
pacato agro castra posuit ; advocataque contione in- 
vectus baud falso in proditorem exercitum militaris 

10 disciplinae, desertorem signorum, ubi signa, ubi 
arma essent singulos rogitans, inermes milites, signo 


BOOK II. LIX. 4-10 

him and warned him upon no account to seek a test B.C. 471 
of his authority, when its effectiveness all depended 
on the goodwill of those obeying it. The men, 
they reported, were saying that they would not go 
to be harangued, and everywhere voices were over- 
heard demanding that the camp be removed from 
Volscian territory. The victorious enemy had a little 
while before been almost in their gates and on their 
wall, and a great disaster was not merely to be appre- 
hended, but was openly hovering before their eyes. 
Giving way at last, since the soldiers were gaining 
nothing but a postponement of their punishment, he 
relinquished the idea of an assembly, and commanded 
a march for the following day. At daybreak he caused 
the signal for departure to be sounded on the trumpet. 
At the very instant when the column was getting 
clear of the camp, the Volsci, as though set in motion 
by the same signal, fell upon their rear. Thence the 
confusion spread to the van, and the panic so dis- 
ordered the standards and the ranks that it was im- 
possible either to hear commands or to form a line. 
Nobody thought of anything but flight, and so de- 
moralised was the rout, as the men escaped over 
fallen bodies and discarded weapons, that the enemy 
sooner ceased to pursue than the Romans to flee. 
When at last the soldiers had been collected from 
their scattered flight, the consul, who had followed 
his men in a vain attempt to call them back, pitched 
his camp on friendly soil. Then he summoned an 
assembly and soundly rated them, not without 
reason, as an army which had been false to military 
discipline and had deserted its standards. Asking 
them all in turn where their arms and where their 
standards were, he caused the unarmed soldiers and 



A.U.C. 11 amisso signiferos, ad hoc centuriones duplicariosque 


qui reliquerant ordines virgis caesos securi per- 
cussit ; cetera multitude sorte decimus quisque ad 
supplicium lecti. 

LX. Contra ea in Aequis inter consulem ac mili- 
tes comitate ac beneficiis certatum est. Et natura 
Quinctius erat lenior, et saevitia infelix collegae quo 

2 is magis gauderet ingenio suo effecerat. Huic tantae 
concordiae ducis exercitusque non ausi offerre se 
Aequi, vagari populabundum liostem per agros passi ; 

3 nee ullo ante bello latius inde acta est praeda. Ea 
omnis 1 militi data est. Addebantur et laudes, qui- 
bus baud minus quam praemio gaudent militum 
animi. Cum duci turn propter ducem patribus quo- 
que placatior exercitus rediit, sibi parentem alteri 
exercitui dominum datum ab senatu memorans. 

4 Varia fortuna belli, atroci discordia domi forisque 
annum exactum insignem maxima comitia tributa 
efficiunt, res maior victoria suscepti certaminis quam 

5 usu ; plus enim dignitatis comitiis ipsis detractum 
est patres 2 ex concilio summovendo quam virium aut 
plebi additum est aut demptum patribus. 

1 acta est praeda. Ea omnis Conivay : acte (or -ae) praede 
(or -ae) ea (omitted by all but. M) onmis (domn M, omnes 
11) n. 2 patres - Alsckefski : patribus fl. 

1 This was granted in recognition of unusual valour. So 
the Victoria Cross is accompanied by a small stipend. 



the standard-bearers who had lost their standards, B.C. 471 
and in addition to these the centurions and the re- 
cipients of a double ration l who had quitted their 
ranks, to be scourged with rods and beheaded ; of 
the remaining number every tenth man was selected 
by lot for punishment. 

LX. To contrast with all this, in the Aequian cam- 
paign there subsisted between consul and soldiers 
an emulation of goodwill and kindness. Not only 
was it natural to Quinctius to be more gentle, but 
the unfortunate harshness of his colleague had given 
him the more reason to be content with his own dis- 
position. Against this complete harmony between 
commander and army the Aequi ventured no oppo- 
sition, but suffered their enemies to devastate their 
fields at will ; and in fact no previous war had ever 
yielded a larger booty from that country. This was 
all given to the troops, and to the spoils were added 
encomiums, which are no less efficacious than rewards 
in rejoicing a soldier's heart. Not only their leader, 
but for their leader's sake the Fathers, too, were 
looked upon with greater kindness by the army when 
they returned. They declared that to them the senate 
had given a parent, to the other army a tyrant. 

Varying fortune in war, grievous discord at home 
and in the field, had characterized the year just 
ended ; but it was chiefly distinguished by the tribal 
assembly, a matter more important because the men 
had won a victory in the struggle which they had 
undertaken than in its practical results ; for the loss 
of dignity to the assembly itself, caused by the re- 
moval from it of the patricians, was greater than the 
gain in strength by the plebeians or the loss of it by 
the Fathers. 



A.F.C. LXI. Turbulentior inde annus excepit L. Valerio 


T. Aemilio consulibus, cum propter certamina ordi- 
num de lege agraria turn prompter iudicium Ap. Claudi, 

2 cui, acerrimo adversario legis causamque possesso- 
rum public! agri tamquam tertio consul! sustinenti, 

3 M. Duillius et Cn. Siccius diem dixere. Numquam 
ante tarn invisus plebi reus ad iudicium vocatus 
populi est, plenus suarum. plenus paternarum irarum. 

4 Patres quoque non temere pro ullo aeque adnisi 
sunt : propugnatorem senatus maiestatisque vindicem 
suae, ad omnes tribunicios plebeiosque oppositum 
tumultus, modum dumtaxat in certamine egressum, 

5 iratae obici plebi. Unus e patribus. ipse Ap. Clau- 
dius, et tribunes et plebem et suum iudicium pro 
nihilo habebat. Ilium non minae plebis, non senatus 
preces perpellere umquam potuere, non modo ut ves- 
tem mutaret aut supplex prensaret homines, sed ne 
ut ex consueta quidem asperitate orationis, cum ad 
populum agenda causa esset. aliquid leniret atque 

6 submitteret. Idem habitus oris, eadem contumacia 
in voltu, idem in oratione spiritus erat, adeo ut 
magna pars plebis Appium non minus reum timeret, 

7 quani consulem timuerat. Semel causam dixit, quo 
semper agere omnia solitus erat accusatorio spiritu ; 


BOOK II. LXI. 1-7 

LXI. A stormier year succeeded, under the con- B.C. 470 
suls Lucius Valerius and Titus Aemilius, partly owing 
to strife between the classes about the land-law, partly 
to the trial of Appius Claudius. He was the bitterest 
opponent of the law, and was upholding the claim 
of those who had possession of the public domain as 
if he had been a third consul, when Marcus D nil I i us 
and Gnaeus Siccius lodged an accusation against him. 
Never before had a defendant whom the plebs so 
detested been brought to trial before the people, 
burdened as he was with men's hatred, both of 
himself and of his father. The patricians, for their 
part, had not lightly put forth such exertions in 
behalf of any man. They felt that the champion of 
the senate and the guardian of their own dignity, 
who had stood firm against all sorts of tribunician 
and plebeian outbreaks, though he had possibly gone 
too far in the heat of the struggle, was being ex- 
posed to the angry commons. Alone amongst the 
Fathers, Appius Claudius himself regarded tribunes, 
plebs. and his own trial with perfect unconcern. He 
was not one whom the threats of the plebeians or 
the entreaties of the senate could ever prevail upon, 
I do not say to put on mourning, or to seek men out 
with appeals for mercy, but even to soften and subdue 
in a slight degree the accustomed sharpness of his 
tongue, though it was before the people he must 
plead. There was the same expression on his count- 
enance, the same arrogance in his glance, the same 
fire in his speech ; so markedly, in fact, that a great 
part of the plebs feared Appius no less when a de- 
fendant than they had feared him as consul. Once 
only did he plead his cause, in the tone he had 
been wont to use on all occasions, namely, that of a 



A.U.C. adeoque constantia sua et tribunes obstupefecit et 


plebein ut diem ipsi sua voluntate prodicerent, 1 trahi 

8 deinde rem sinerent. Hand ita multum interim tem- 
poris fuit ; ante tamen quam prodicta dies veniret 

9 morbo moritur. Cuius laudationem cum 2 tribuni 
plebis 3 impedire conarentur, 4 plebs fraudari sollemni 
honore supremum diem tanti viri noluit et laudatio- 
nem tarn aequis auribus mortui audivit quam vivi 
accusationem audierat, et exsequias frequens cele- 

LXII. Eodem anno Valerius consul cum exercitu 
in Aequos profectus cum hostem ad proelium elicere 
non posset, castra oppugnare est adortus. Probibuit 
foeda tempestas cum grandine ac tonitribus caelo 

2 deiecta. Admirationem deinde auxit signo receptui 
dato adeo tranquilla serenitas reddita ut velut 5 nu- 
mine aliquo defensa castra oppugnare iterum religio 
fuerit. Omnis ira belli ad populationem agri vertit. 

3 Alter consul Aemilius in Sabinis bellum gessit. Et 
ibi, quia hostis moenibus se tenebat, vastati agri 

4 sunt. Incendiis deinde non villarum modo sed etiam 
vicorum, quibus frequenter habitabatur, Sabini exciti 
cum praedatoribus occurrissent, ancipiti proelio di- 
gressi postero die rettulere castra in tutiora loca. 

6 Id satis consuli visum cur pro victo relinqueret hos- 
tem, integro hide decedens bello. 

1 prodicerent OH: prodiicerent M ' : producerent (om. L) n. 

2 laudationem cum V Conicay and Walters : cum lauda- 
tionem n. (but RD have conlaudationem cum, and L con- 

3 tribuni plebis T?$- : tr. pi. 0. : tribunus plebis 5-. 

4 conarentur Vf : conaretur ft. 5 velut //,- : uel H. 

BOOK II. LXI. 7-Lxn. 5 

prosecutor ; and so completely did his firmness over- B.C. 470 
whelm the tribunes and the commons that they them- 
selves voluntarily adjourned the trial to a later day, 
and then allowed the affair to drag. The interval was 
not very long, but before the appointed day came 
round Appius fell sick and died. When his eulogy 
was being pronounced, the tribunes of the plebs 
attempted to interfere, but the plebs were not will- 
ing that the funeral-day of so great a man should be 
defrauded of the customary honours. They listened 
to his praises with as great goodwill, now he was 
dead, as they had heard the living man accused, and 
attended his burial in crowds. 

LXI I. The same year Valerius the consul, having 
marched with an army against the Aequi, was unable 
to entice the enemy into a battle, and directed an 
assault upon their camp. This was foiled by an awful 
storm that descended upon them with hail and claps 
of thunder. Their amazement was soon increased, on 
the signal for retreat being given, by the reappear- 
ance of so tranquil and cloudless a sky, that, as though 
some god had defended the camp, they scrupled to 
attack it a second time, and directed all their hos- 
tility towards devastating the fields. The other consul, 
Aemilius, conducted a campaign in the Sabine country. 
There, too, the enemy kept within his walls, and the 
Romans laid waste his fields. Afterwards, by setting 
fire not only to farmhouses but even to the villages, 
where the people lived close together, they aroused 
the Sabines, who, having met the pillagers and fought 
a drawn battle with them, next day withdrew their 
camp to a safer position. This seemed to the consul 
a sufficient pretext for leaving the enemy, as con- 
quered, and he retired ere the campaign had fairly 


VOL. I. Q 

A.U.C. LXIII. Inter haec bella manente discordia domi 


consules T. Numicius Priscus A. Verginius facti. 

2 Non ultra videbatur latura plebes dilationem agra- 
riae legis, ultimaque vis parabatur, cum Volscos 
adesse fumo ex incendiis villarum fugaque agrestium 
cogriitum est. Ea res maturam iam seditionem ac 

3 prope erumpentem repressit. Consules, coacti ex- 
templo ab senatu, ad bellum educta ex urbe iuven- 

4 tute tranquilliorem ceteram plebem fecerunt. Et 
hostes quidem, nihil aliud quam perfusis vano timore 

5 Romanis, citato agmine abeunt : Numicius Antium 
adversus Volscos, Verginius contra Aequos profectus. 
Ibi ex insidiis prope magna accepta clade virtus 
militum rem prolapsam neglegentia consulis restituit. 

6 Melius in Volscis imperatum est ; fusi primo proelio 
hostes fugaque in urbem Antium, ut turn res erant, 
opulentissimam, acti. Quam consul oppugnare non 
ausus, Caenonem, aliud oppidum nequaquam tarn 

7 opuleiitum, ab Antiatibus cepit. Dum Aequi Vols- 
cique Romanos exercitus tenent, Sabini usque ad 
portas urbis populantes incessere. Deiiide ipsi paucis 
post diebus ab duobus exercitibus, utroque per iram 
consule ingresso in finis, plus cladiurn quam intule- 
rant acceperunt. 



LXIII. While these wars were going on and there B.C. 469 
was still discord at home, Titus Numicius Priscus and 
Aulus Verginius were elected consuls. It was clear 
that the plebs would endure no further postponement 
of the land-law, and were preparing to use violent 
measures, when the approach of a Volscian army was 
announced by the smoke which rose from burning 
farmhouses and by the flight of the country people. 
By this circumstance the insurrection, which was 
already matured and on the point of breaking out, 
was repressed. The consuls, being at once com- 
manded to do so by the senate, led the young men 
out of the City to the war, a policy which diminished 
the restlessness of the plebeians who were left behind. 
As for the enemy, they did no more than cause the 
Romans a needless panic, and hastily retreated. 
Numicius marched to Antium against the Volsci, 
Verginius against the Aequi. In the Aequian cam- 
paign an ambush nearly resulted in a severe defeat 
for the Romans, but the courage of the soldiers 
restored the day, which the carelessness of the 
consul had almost lost. The Volscian expedition 
was better directed : the enemy were routed in the 
first engagement and driven in flight to Antium, a 
very opulent city for those days. This place the 
consul did not venture to assail, but he captured 
from the Antiates another town, named Caeno, of 
far less wealth. While the Aequi and Volsci kept 
the Roman armies busy, the Sabines advanced clear 
to the gates of the City on a plundering raid. A 
few days after this they themselves had to confront 
two armies, for both the consuls indignantly invaded 
their borders, and they suffered greater losses than 
they had themselves inflicted. 


A.U.C. LXIV. Extreme anno pacis aliquid fuit sed. ut 


semper alias, sollicitae 1 certamine patrum et plebis. 

2 Irata plebs interesse consularibus comitiis noluit; 
per patres clientesque patrum consules creati T. 
Quinctius Q. Servilius. Similem annum priori ha- 
bent, 2 seditiosa initia, bello deinde externo tran- 

3 quilla. Sabini Crustuminos campos citato agmine 
transgressi cum caedes et incendia circum Anienem 
flumen fecissent, a porta prope Collina moenibusque 
pulsi ingentes tamen praedas hominum pecorumque 

4 egere. Quos Servilius consul infesto exercitu inse- 
cutus ipsum quidem agmen adipisci aequis locis non 
potuit, populationem adeo effuse fecit ut nihil bello 
intactum relinqueret, multiplicique capta praeda re- 

5 diret. Et in Volscis res publica egregie gesta cum 
ducis turn militum opera. Primum aequo campo 
signis conlatis pugnatum ingenti caede utrimque, 

6 plurimo sanguine. Et Romani, quia paucitas damno 
sentiendo propior erat, gradum rettulissent, ni salubri 
mendacio consul fugere hostes ab cornu altero clami- 
tans concitasset aciem. Impetu facto, dum se putant 

7 vincere vicere. Consul metuens ne nimis instando 

8 renovaret certamen, signum receptui dedit. Inter- 

1 sollicitae 5- : sollicitae pacis ft. 

2 habent Gronov. : consules habent ft. 

1 Held in the centuriate coinitia. 



LXIV. Towards the close of the year there was a 
brief season of peace, but, as always on other occasions, 469 ~ 468 
a peace distracted by the strife of patricians and 
plebeians. The angry plebs refused to take part in 
the consular elections : l by the votes of the patri- 
cians and their clients Titus Quinctius and Quintus 
Servilius were chosen consuls. They experienced a 
year like the preceding one : dissensions, to begin 
with, then a foreign war and tranquillity. The Sabines 
executed a rapid march across the Crustuminian plains, 
bringing fire and sword to the country about the river 
Anio. When almost at the Colline Gate and the City 
walls they were beaten back, yet they carried off im- 
mense spoils of men and cattle. Servilius the consul 
pursued them with an army, and though he could not 
overtake the column itself on ground which was 
suitable for offering battle, he devastated the country 
so extensively as to leave nothing untouched by the 
ravages of war, and returned with many times the 
plunder which the Romans had lost. Operations in 
the Volscian country, too, were very successful, thanks 
both to the general and to his soldiers. First, there 
was a pitched battle in the open field, with enormous 
numbers killed and wounded on both sides. The 
Romans indeed, whose fewness made them feel their 
loss more sensibly, would have fallen back, had it 
not been for a salutary falsehood told by the consul, 
who shouted that the enemy were running away 
on the other wing, and so aroused the spirits of his 
troops. The Romans charged and, believing them- 
selves to be conquering, they conquered. The consul 
feared lest by pressing the enemy too hard he 
might cause a renewal of the struggle. He there- 
fore gave the signal for the recall. For a few 



A u.c. cessere pauci dies, velut tacitis indutiis utrimque 

285-286 . . 

quiete sumpta, per quos ingens vis nommum ex om- 
nibus Volscis Aequisque populis in castra venit, baud 
9 dubitans si senserint Romanes nocte abituros. Ita- 
que tertia fere vigilia ad castra oppugnanda veniunt. 

10 Quinctius sedato tumultu quern terror subitus exci- 
veratj cum manere in tentoriis quietum militem 
iussisset, Hernicorum cohortem in stationem educit, 
cornicines tubicinesque in equos impositos canere 
ante vallum iubet sollicitumque hostem ad lucem 

11 tenere. Reliquum noctis adeo tranquilla omnia in 
castris fuere, ut somni quoque Romanis copia esset. 
Volscos species armatorum peditum, quos et plures 
esse et Romanes putabant, fremitus hinnitusque 
equorum, qui et insueto sedente equite et insuper 
aures agitante sonitu saeviebant, intentos velut ad 
impetum hostium tenuit. 

A.TT.C. LXV. Ubi inluxit, Romanus integer satiatusque 

somno productus in aciem fessum stando et vigiliis 

2 Volscum primo impetu perculit ; quamquam cessere 
magis quam pulsi hostes sunt, quia ab tergo erant 
clivi, in quos post principia integris ordiiiibus tutus 
receptus fuit. Consul, ubi ad iniquum locum ventum 
est, sistit aciem. Miles aegre teneri, clamare, et 

3 poscere ut perculsis instare liceat. Ferocius agunt 
equites ; circumfusi duci vociferantur se ante signa 

1 The Romans divided the night into four equal watches, 
beginning at sunset. 


BOOK II. LXIV. 8-Lxv. 3 

days both sides rested, as if they had tacitly agreed B.C. 
on a truce. Meanwhile a great force of men 469 - 468 
came in from all their tribes to the camp of the 
Volsci and Aequi. They made no question but 
that the Romans, if they had perceived them, 
would retreat in the night, and accordingly at about 
the third watch l they came to attack the camp. 
Quinctius stilled the tumult which the sudden alarm 
had raised, and bidding the soldiers remain quietly 
in their tents, led out a cohort of Hernici to an out- 
post, and mounting trumpeters and buglers upon 
horses, ordered them to blow their instruments in 
front of the rampart and keep the enemy in suspense 
till daybreak. For the remainder of the night all 
was so peaceful in camp that the Romans were even 
able to sleep. But the Volsci, beholding armed foot- 
soldiers, whom they supposed to be more numerous 
than they were, and to be Romans ; and hearing the 
stamping and neighing of the horses, which were in- 
furiated not only at finding unaccustomed riders on 
their backs, but also by the blare of the trumpets, 
were kept on the alert in anticipation of an attack. 

LXV. As soon as it was light, the Romans, who B.C. 468 
were fresh and had enjoyed a good sleep, were led out 
into line of battle. The Volsci, weary from standing 
and from loss of sleep, were driven back at the first 
assault ; though it was rather a retreat than a rout, 
for behind them were hills, to which, under cover of 
the first line, they withdrew safely and in good order. 
The consul ordered a halt when his army reached 
rising ground. The infantry could hardly be restrained, 
noisily demanding permission to press on after the 
fleeing enemy. Still more ardent were the cavalry. 
They swarmed about the general, and shouted that 



A.U.C. ituros. Dum cunctatur consul virtute militum fretus, 
loco parum fidens, conclamant se ituros, clamoremque 
res est secuta. Fixis in terram pilis, quo leviores 

4 ardua evaderent, cursu subeunt. Volscus effusis ad 
primum impetum missilibus telis saxa obiacentia 
pedibus ingerit in subeuntes, turbatosque ictibus 
crebris urget ex superiore loco. Sic prope oneratum 
est sinistrum Romanis cornu, ni referentibus iam 
gradum consul increpando simul temeritatem simul 

5 ignaviam pudore metum excussisset. Restitere primo 
obstinatis animis ; deinde, ut obtineiites locum vim 
pro vi referebant, 1 audent ultro gradum inferre et 
clamore renovato commovent aciem ; turn rursus im- 
petu capto enituntur atque exsuperant iniquitatem 

6 loci. Iam prope erat ut in summum clivi iugum 
evaderent, cum terga hostes dedere effusoque cursu 
paene agmine uno fugientes sequentesque castris 
incidere. In eo pavore castra capiuntur. Qui Vols- 

7 corum effugere potuerunt Antium petunt. Antium 
et Romanus exercitus ductus. Paucos circumsessum 
dies deditur, nulla oppugnantium nova vi, sed quod 
iam inde ab infelici pugna castrisque amissis ceci- 
derant animi. 

1 vim pro vi referebant Conway and Walters : uires fere- 
bant 1 : vires refecerant Weissenbom : vires reficiebant 


BOOK II. LXV. 3-7 

they were going on before the standards. While the B.C. 468 
consul was hesitating, feeling certain of the valour of 
his troops but doubtful of the ground, the men cried 
out that they were going, and instantly made good 
their word. Planting their spears in the ground, 
that they might be the lighter for the ascent, they 
went up at a run. The Volsci, having discharged 
their javelins at the first onset, picked up the stones 
which lay about under their feet, and flung them at 
their enemies as they mounted. Confused by this 
rain of missiles from above, the left wing of the Ro- 
mans was nearly overwhelmed, and had already begun 
to retreat, when the consul, reproaching them at once 
with rashness and with cowardice, succeeded in sham- 
ing them out of their fear. First they made a reso- 
lute stand ; then, after holding their ground and 
returning blow for blow, they even dared to press 
forward and, renewing their cheers, set their line 
in motion ; then with another rush they struggled 
upward and scaled the height ; and they were just 
emerging upon the summit of the ridge, when the 
enemy turned and fled. Running at full speed, and 
almost in one body, the pursued and the pursuers 
reached the Volscian camp, which was captured in 
the panic. Those of the Volsci who succeeded in 
escaping made for Antium, and to Antium marched 
the Roman army also. After a blockade of a few 
days the place surrendered ; the besiegers had not 
delivered any new attack, but the Volsci had lost 
heart from the moment of their unsuccessful battle 
and the capture of their camp. 



BRUTUS iureiurando populum adstrinxifc neminem Ro- 
mae regnare passuros. Tarquinium Collatinum collegam 
suum propter adfinitatem Tarquiniorum suspectum coegit 
consulatu se abdicare et civitate cedere. Bona regum 
diripi iussit, agrum Marti consecravit, qui campus Mar- 
tius nominatus est. Adulescentes nobiles, in quibus suos 
quoque et fratris filios, quia coniuraverant de recipiendis 
regibus, eecuri percussit. Servo indici, cui Vindicio no- 
men fuit, libertatem dedit ; ex cuius nomine vindicta 
appellata. Cum adversus reges, qui contractis Veientum 
et Tarquiniensium copiis bellum intulerant, exercitum 
duxisset, in acie cum Arrunte filio Superb! commortuus 
est ; eumque matronae anno luxerunt. P. Valerius 1 
consul legem de provocatione ad populum tulit. Capito- 
lium dedicatum est. Porsenna, Clusinorum rex, bello 
pro Tarquinis suscepto cum ad laniculum venisset, ne 
Tiberim transiret virtute Coclitis Horati prohibitus est, 
qui, dum alii pontem Sublicium rescindunt, solus Etruscos 
sustinuit et ponte rupto armatus in flumen se misit et ad 
suos transnavit. Accessit alterum virtutis exemplum in 
Mucio. Qui cum ad feriendum Porsennam castra hos- 
tium intrasset, occiso scriba, quern regem esse existima- 
verat, conprehensus inpositam manum altaribus, in qui- 
bus sacrificatum erat, exuri passus est dixitque tales ccc 
esse. Quorum admiratione coactus Porsenna pacis con- 

1 P. Valerius Sigonius : 1. ualcrius MSS. 


BRUTUS bound the people with an oath to allow no one 
to reign in Rome. Tarquinius Collatinus, his colleague, 
who had incurred suspicion because of his relationship to 
the Tarquinii, he forced to abdicate the consulship and 
withdraw from the state. He ordered the king's goods 
to be plundered, and consecrated his land to Mars. It 
was named the Campus Martius. Certain noble youths 
among them his own sons and his brother's he beheaded, 
because they had conspired to bring back the kings. To 
the slave who gave the information, a man called Vindi- 
cius, he gave his freedom ; from his name came the word 
vindicta. Having led an army against the princes, who 
had collected forces from Veii and Tarquinii and begun a 
war, he fell in the battle, together with Arruns, the son 
of Superbus, and the matrons mourned for him a year. 
Publius Valerius the consul proposed a law about appeal- 
ing to the people. The Capitol was dedicated. Porsenna, 
king of Clusium, made war in behalf of the Tarquinii and 
came to Janiculum, but was prevented from crossing the 
Tiber by the bravery of Horatius Codes, who, while the 
others were cutting down the Sublician Bridge, kept the 
Etruscans at bay, single-handed, and when the bridge 
had been destroyed, threw himself armed into the river 
and swam across to his fellows. Another example of 
courage was exhibited by Mucius. Having entered the 
camp of the enemy with the purpose of killing Porsenna, 
he slew a secretary, whom he had taken for the king. 
Being arrested, he placed his hand upon the altar, where 
sacrifice had been made, and suffering it to be burned off, 
declared that there were three hundred others as deter- 
mined as himself. Overcome with astonishment at their 
daring, Porsenna proposed terms of peace and, having 



diciones ferre bellum omisit acceptis obsidibus. Ex qui- 
bus virgo una Cloelia deceptis cusbodibus per Tiberim ad 
sues transnavit et cum reddita esseb, a 1 Porsenna honori- 
fice remissa equestri statua donata est. Ad versus Tar- 
quinium Superbum cum Latinorum exercitu bellum in- 
ferentem Aulus Postumius 2 dictator prospere pugnavit. 
Appius Claudius ex Sabinis Romam transfugib. Ob hoc 
Claudia tribus adiecta esb numerusque tribuum ampliatus 
est, ut essent xxi. Plebs cum propter nexos ob aes 
alienum in Sacrum montem secessisset, consilio Meneni 
Agrippae a seditione revocata est. Idem Agrippa cum 
decessisseb, propter paupertatem publico inpendio elatus 
est. Tribuni plebis quinque creati sunt. Oppidum Vuls- 
corum Corioli captum esb virtute et opera Cn. Marci, qui 
ob hoc Coriolanus vocatus est. T. Latinius, 3 vir de plebe, 
cum in visu admonitus ut de quibusdam religionibus ad 
senatum perferret id * neglexisseb, amisso filio pedibus 
debilis facbus, posbquam delatus ad senatum lectica eadem 
ilia indicaverab, usu pedum recepbo domum reversus est. 
Cum Cn. Marcius Coriolanus, qui in exilium erat pulsus, 
dux Vulscorum factus oxercibum hostium urbi admovisset, 
et missi ad eum primum legati, postea sacerdotes frustra 
deprecati essent ne bellum patriae inferret, Veturia mater 
et Volumnia uxor impetraverunt ab eo, ut recederet. 
Lex agraria primum lata est. Spurius Cassius consularis 
regni crimine damnatus est necabusque. Opillia 6 virgo 
Vesbalis ob incestum viva defossa est. Cum vicini 
Veientes incommodi magis quam graves essent, familia 
Fabiorum id bellum gerendum depoposcit misitque in id 
trecentos et sex armatos, qui ad Cremeram praeter unum 

1 a supplied by edd. 

2 Postumiua edd. : postumus MSS. 

3 Latinius Sigonius : latinus MSS. 

4 id Drakenborch : et MSS. 

8 Opillia Hertz: illia (ilia) MSS.: Livy, II. xlii. 11, has 
Oppia : Dion. Hal. viii. 89, 'OTn/xfa : Oros. n. viii. 13, 



taken hostages, relinquished the war. One of the hos- 
tages, the maiden Cloelia, evaded the sentinels and swam 
across the Tiber to her people. She was given up to 
Porsenna, but was restored by him with marks of honour, 
and was presented witli an equestrian statue. Aulus 
Postumius the dictator fought a successful battle against 
Tarquinius Superbus, who was advancing with an army 
of Latins. Appius Claudius came over from the Sabines 
to the Romans. On this account the Claudian tribe was 
added and the number of tribes was increased to twenty- 
one. The plebs, after seceding to the Sacred Mount because 
of those who had been enslaved for debt, were induced by 
the advice of Menenius Agrippa to cease from their re- 
bellion. The same Agrippa when he died was buried, 
owing to his poverty, at the state's expense. Five 
plebeian tribunes were elected. The Volscian town of 
Corioli was captured by the valiant efforts of Gnaeus 
Marcius, who acquired from this circumstance the name 
of Coriolanus. Titus Latinius, a man of the plebs, was 
warned in a dream to inform the senate regarding certain 
offences against religion. Having neglected to do it, he 
lost a son and was paralysed in his feet. When he had 
been carried to the senate in a litter and had revealed 
these same matters, he recovered the use of his feet and 
returned to his house. When Gnaeus Marcius Corio- 
lanus, who had been driven into exile and had been made 
general of the Volsci, had led a hostile army nearly to 
Rome, and when the envoys who had been sent to him 
at first and afterwards the priests had vainly besought 
him not to make war upon his native land, his mother 
Veturia and his wife Volumnia persuaded him to with- 
draw. For the first time a land-law was proposed. 
Spurius Cassius, the ex-consul, charged with aspiring to 
be king, was condemned and put to death. Opillia, a 
Vestal Virgin, was buried alive for unchastity. The neigh- 
bouring Veientes being a troublesome rather than a dan- 
gerous enemy, the Fabian family asked to be allowed to 
carry on that war, and dispatched thither 306 armed men, 



ab hostibus caesi sunt. Appius Claudius cos. cum ad- 
versus Vulscos contumacia exercitus male pugnatum esset, 
decimum quemque militum fuste percussit. Res prao- 
terea adversus Vulscos et Hernicos et Veientes et sedi- 
tiones inter patres plebemque continet. 



who were all but one killed by the enemy at the Cremera. 
When Appius Claudius the consul had sustained a defeat 
at the hands of the Volsci, owing to the contumacy of 
his army, he caused every tenth soldier to be scourged 
to death. It contains besides campaigns against the 
Volsci, the Hernici, and the Veientes, and the quarrels 
between the patricians and the plebs. 




(The References are to Pages.) 

ABORIGINES, 8, 10, 12 

Achivi, 8 

Actiacum bellum, 66 

Aebutius, T., 278, 280 

Aemilius, L., 356, 386, 400 ; T., 422, 


Aeneas, 8-14 ; Aeneas Silvius, 16 
Aequi, 184, 312, 314, 318, 322, 350, 

356, 360, 366, 380, 382, 384, 398, 

410, 414, 424, 426, 430. 
Aequicum bellum, 414 
Agrippa (Alban king), 16 ; Mene- 

nius Agrippa, see Menenius 
Alba Longa, 14, 16, 24, 70, 76, 78, 

90, 96, 104, 106, 180 
Albani, 24, 76, 78, 80, 82, 94-110 ; 

Albanus mons, 14, 110 
Albinus, L., 324 
Albula, 14, 16 
Alpes, 8, 12 
Ameriola, 136 
Amulius, 16, 20 
Anchises, 10 
Ancus Marcius, 112-128, 140, 142, 

146, 180 

Anio, 96, 130, 132, 270, 300, 322, 428 
Antemnates, 34, 38, 40 
An tenor, 8 
Antiates, 326 
Antium, 326, 426, 432 
Apiolae, 128 
Apollo, 196 
Appius Claudius, 270-312, 362, 364 ; 

Appius Claudius (son), 408-422 
Aquilii, 228-240 ; Aquilus, C., 350 
Arcades, 20 
Arcadica urbs, 20 
Ardea, 196, 200, 208 
Argiletum, 66 
Aricia, 264, 300 
Aricini, 264 

LIVY 1. 

Aristodemus, 286, 330 

Arruns (brother of L. Tarquinius 

Priscus), 122 ; (son of Priscus), 

146, 160 
Arsia silva, 238 
Ascanius, 10, 14, 16 
Asia, 156 
Attius Clausus (= Appius Claudius) 

270 ; Attius Tullius, 334, 338, 

344, 350 

Attus Navius, 130, 132 
Atys, 16 
Augustus, 66 

Aurunci, 270, 274, 300, 302 
Aventinus (Alban king), 16 ; mons, 

16, 24, 70, 118, 120, 306, 322 

BRUTUS, see lunius 

CACUS, 26, 28 

Caedicius, L., 396 

Caelius mons, 106, 118, 254 

Caeninenses, 34, 38 

Caeno, 426 

Caere, 12, 208 

Caesar Augustus, 66 

Camenae, 74 

Cameria, 136 

Campania, 394 

Campus Martins, 154, 230 

Capena porta, 90 

Capetus, 16 

Capitolinus collis, 44 

Capitolium, 40, 138, 242, 244, 248, 

288, 386 
Caprae palus, 56 
Capys, 16 
Carmenta, 28 
Carmentalis porta, 386 
Cassius, Sp., 272, 274, 326, 328, 

352, 354, 356, 358 



Castor, 284, 356 

Celeres, 56 

Ceres, 354 

Circa (Circe), 172 

Circeii, 194, 344 

Claudia tribus (vetus), 270 ; 

Claudius, see Appius 
Cloelia, 260; Cloelii, 106 ; Cloelius, 

Q., 284 

Cluilia fossa, 78, 344 
Cluilius, C., 76,78,80 
Codes, see Horatius 
Collatia, 134, 198, 204, 206 
Collating 136; Collatinus, L. 

Tarquinius, 198-224 
Collina porta, 254, 392, 428 
Cominius, Postumus, 274, 326, 328 
Considius, Q., 394 
Consualia, 34 
Cora, 270, 286 
Corbio, 344 
Corinthus, 164 
Coriolanus, see Marcius, Cn. 
Corioli, 326, 328, 344 
Cornelius, Servius, 354 
Corniculum, 136, 140 
Cremera, 386, 388, 394 
Creusa, 14 
Croton, 64 
Crustumeria, 278 ; Crustumerium, 

Crustumini, 34, 38, 42 ; Crustumini 

campi, 428 

Cumae, 246, 264, 286, 330 
Cures, 48, 62, 124 
Curia Hostilia, 106 
Curiatii fratres, 82-94; Curiatii 

(gens), 106 
Curtius, Mettius, 44, 46 ; Curtius 

lacus, 48 
Cyprius vlcus, 168 

DELPHI, 194 
Demaratus, 122 
Dialis flamen, 70 
Diana Ephesia, 156, 158 
Dianium, 168 
Diespiter, 84 
Duillius,M.,414, 422 


Egeria, 68, 74 ; Egeriua (Tar- 
quinius, son of Arruiis), 122, 134, 

Elicius, see luppiter 

Eneti, 8 

Esquiliae, 154, 306 

Esquilina, porta, 254 

Etruria, 12, 108, 130, 192, 264, 330, 

364, 382 
Etrusca res, 80 ; Etrusci, 12, et 

Euganei, 8 
Evander, 20, 26, 28, 30 

FABIA GENS, 382, 388, 390, 392; 

Fabius, Q., 354, 356, 360, 374, 
378; Caeso(= K.), 354, 356, 360, 
374, 380, 382 ; M., 358, 362, 370, 
372, 374 ; Pictor, 154, 192, 350 

Faustulus, 18, 20 

Ferentina, aqua, 180, Ferentinum 
caput, 340 ; Ferentinae lucus, 
174, 182 

Feretrius, see luppiter 

Feronia, 108 

Ficana, 118 

Ficulea vetus, 136 

Fidenae, 52, 96, 278 

Fidenates, 50, 52, 54, 96, 98 

Fides, 74 

Flavoleius, M., 372 

Fortuna, 80 ; muliebris, 350 

Fufetius, see Mettius 

Furius, Sex., 344; Sp., 360; L., 
400; P., 406 

Fusius, Sp., 84 

GABII, 182, 184, 188, 190, 208 
Gabina via, 254 ; Gabini, 184, 186 
Geganii, 106 ; Geganius, T., 328 
Genucius, T., 394 ; Cn., 400, 404 
Geryones, 26 
Gradiyus, see Mars 
Graecia, 194 


Helena, 8 

Heraclea, 64 

Hercules, 26, 28 

Herminius, T., 250, 254, 266, 282 

Hernici, 184, 286, 288, 350, 398, 430 

Hersilia, 42 

Horatia gens, 94 ; pila, 92 ; 
Horatii fratres, 82-92 ; Horatius, 
M., Pulvillus, 242, 244 ; Codes, 
248, 250, 262; C., 390, 392 

Hostilia, curia, 106 ; Hostilius, 
Hostius, 44; Tullus, 74-114, 180 



IANICULUM, 120, 124, 248, 260, 264, 
268, 392, 394, 396 

lanus, 66, 116 

Icilius, Sp., 414 

Ilium, 14 

Inregillum, 270 

Inuus, 20 

Italia, 12, 62 

lulia gens, 14 ; lulii, 106 ; lulius 
Prqculus, 58; lulius, C., 360; 
lulius Vopiscus, 400 

lulus, 14 

lunia domus, 232 ; lunius, L., 
Brutus, 194-204, 208, 218, 
220-228, 236, 240, 244, 270 

luppiter, 28, 44, 46, 66, 70, 84, 114, 
116, 138, 182, 190, 244, 336, 338, 
374 ; Elicius, 72, 112 ; Feretrius, 
40, 122 ; Indiges, 14 ; Stator, 44, 

LABICI, 344 

Laetorius, M., 304, 408, 410 

Larcius, Sp.,250, 254, 266; T., 284 

Larentia, 18 

Largius, T., 274, 276, 310, 312 

Lars Porsinna (Porsena), see 

Latina res, 14 ; Latini, 12, et 

passim ; Prisci Latini, 16, 116, 

118, 136; Latinus (king of the 

Laurentes), 8, 10, 12 ; Silvius, 16 
Latinius, T., 336, 436 
Laurens ager, 8 ; Laurentinus ager, 


Laurentes, 50 
Laurentium, 50 
Lavinia, 10, 14 ; Lavinium, 10, 14, 

24, 50, 78, 224, 344 
Licinius, C., 324 : Sp., 360 
Longula, 326, 344 
Luceres. 50. 130 
Lucretia, 198, 202, 206 ; Lucretius, 

Sp.. Tricipitinus, 202, 206, 208, 

224, 242, 244 ; T., 244, 254, 270 ; 

P., 266 
Lucumo (= L. Tarquinius Priscus), 

122, 124 
Lupercal, 20 
Lycaeus Pan, 20 

Maecilius, L., 414 
Maesia silva, 122 

Malitiosa silva, 108 

Manlius, T., 66 ; Cn., 362, 370, 374, 

376; C.,400 
Marcius, Cn., Coriolanus, 326-352, 

396, 402 ; see also Numa and 

Mars, 2, 16, 70, 88, 120, 238, 374 ; 

Gradivus, 70 
Medullia, 120, 136 
Menenius Agrippa, 270, 322, 338, 

396; Menenius, T., 390, 394, 396, 

400, 402 

Mercuri, aedes, 286, 302 
Metapontum, 64 
Mettius Curtius, 44, 46, 48; 

Fufetius, 78, 90, 96, 100, 102 
Mezentius, 12, 14 
Minucius, M., 284, 330 ; P., 328 
Mucia prata, 260 ; Mucius, C., 

Scaevola, 254-262 
Murcia, 120 

Nautius, Sp., 344 ; C., 396, 398 
Navius, Attus, 130 
Neptunus, 34 
Nomentum, 136 
Norba, 330 
Nova via, 144 

Numa Pompilius, 62-74, 112, 114, 
124,126,148; Numa Marcius, 70 
Numicius, T., Priscus, 426 
Numicus, 14 
Numitor, 16-24 
Numitorius, L., 414 


Opillia, 436 

Opiter, Verginius, see Verginius 

Oppia (Vestalis), 358 

Ortona, 360 

Ostia, 122, 330 


Palatium, 20, 24, 26, 44, 46, 118, 

120, 248 
Pallanteum, 20 
Pallantium, 20 
Pallor, 98 
Pan (Lycaeus), 20 
Pavor, 98 
Pedum, 344 



Peloponnesus, 28 

Pinarii. 28, 30 ; Pinarius, L., 406 

Piso (L. Calpurnius, Frugi), 192, 322 

Politorium, 118 

Polusca, 326 

Pometia, 270, 272, 286 

Pompilius, see Numa 

Pomptinus ager, 330 

Pontificius.Tib., 362 

Porsinna, Lars, 244-268; Arruns, 

Posturaius, P., 268, 270; A., 278, 

280, 284, 300, 356 
Potitii, 28, 30 
Praeneste, 278 
Proca, 16 

Proculus, see lulius 
Publicola, see Valerius, P. 
Publilitis, Volero, 404-408, 416 
Pylaemenes, 8 
Punicum bellum, 66 
Pythagoras, 62 

QUINCTII, 106 ; Quinctius, T., 408, 

410, 412, 414, 428, 430 
Quirinalis, collis, 154 
Quirinus, 70, 116 
Quirites, 48, 58, 62, 82, 84, 94, 242, 



Ramnes, 130 

Rea Silvia, 16 

Regillus. lacus, 284, 288, 318 

Remus, 20, 22, 24 

Roma, 40, et passim^ 

Romani, 40, et passim 

R,omularis, flcus, 18 

Romulus, 20-74, 1U8, 114, 130, 140, 

152, 170 ; Romulus Silvius, 16 
Ruminalis, ficus, 18 
Rutuli, 10, 12, 196 

SABINAE, 46, 48 ; Sabini, 34-48,60, 
64, 74, 106, 108, 110, 118, 132, 
134, 158, 268, 270, 274, 276, 300, 
314, 316, 382, 396, 398, 424, 426 

Sacer mons, 322, 332, 412 

Salii, 70, 98 

Satricum, 344 

Saturnalia, 284 

Saturnus, 284 


Saxa Rubra, 386 
Scaevola, see Mucius, C. 
Sceleratus vicus, 170 
Sempronius, A., 284, 330 
Servilii.106 ; Servilius, P., 286-314; 

C., 386; Sp., 392, 390, 400; 

Q., 428 
Servius Tullius, 62, 138-170, 206, 

208, 222 

Siccius, Cn., 414, 422 
Sicilia, 8, 330 

Sicinius quidam, 322, 330 ; T., 350 
Siculum, fretum, 12 
Signia, 194, 286 
Silvanus, 238 

Silvia gens, 16 ; Silvius, 16 
Spei (aedes), 392 
Statins, T., 396 
Stator, see luppiter 
Suessa Pometia, 146, 182, 298 
Sulpicius, Ser., 278 

TANAQTJIL, 122, 138, 144, 164 

Tarpeius, Sp., 42 ; Tarpeius, mons, 

Tarquinia, 194; Tarquinii (town), 
122, 124, 164; (family), 
330; Tarquinius, L., Prisons 
(= Lucumo), 122, 124, 126-146, 
164, 222 ; Arruns (brother of 
Priscus), 122 ; Arruns (son of 
Priscus), 146, 160 ; Lucius, 
Superbus, 146, 160-238, 266, 268, 
278, 286, 332; Sextus (son of 
Superbus), 184-188, 196-208 ; 
Arruns (son of Superbus), 194, 
280 ; Titus (son of Superbus), 
194, 280 ; Tarquinius Collatinus, 
see Collatinus 

Tatius, Titus, 38, 42, 50, 60, 108, 
124, 126, 190 

Tellenae, 118 

Tellus, 354 

Terminus, 190 

Termo, 210 

Thalassius, 36 

Tiberinus (Alban king), 16 ; Tiber - 
inus pater (river god), 250 

Tiberis, 16, 18, 26, 54, 96, 120, 122, 
134, 136, 230, 248, 250, 256, 260, 
330, 392 

Titienses, 50, 130 

Trebium, 344 

Tricipitinus, see Lucretius, Sp. 


Troia, 8, 78 ; Troian.i proles, 76 ; 

Troiani. 8, 10, 12 : Tromnus, 8 
Tullia. 162, 170, 208; Tullius, M'., 

278 ; Servius Tullius, sec Servius 
Tullus, see Hostilius 
Turnus (king of the Rutuli), 10, 12 ; 

Turnus Herdonius, 174, 176, 178 
Tusei, 190, et passim ; Tuscus ager, 

386 : vicus, 266 

ULIXES, 172 
Urbius, clivus, 170 

VALERIUS, M. (fetial), 84; P., 
Publicola (son of Vo'esus), 202, 
204, 224, 236, 238. 242, 244, 252, 
254, 266. 270 ; M. (consul 
505 B.C.). 268, 280 ; M'. (dictator, 
son of Volesus), 314, 320 ; M'. 
(grandson of Volesus), 276 ; L., 
354, 358, 422, 424 ; P., (consul 
476 B.C.), 396 

Veiens, 98, 390 ; Veiens bellum, 
358, 364, 395; Veientes, 54, 56, 
90, 96, 108, 122, 148, 234, 236, 
238, 244, 260, 360, 364, 368, 374, 
380, 382, 386, 388, 392, 400 

Veii, 54, 398 

Velia, 240, 242 

Veliternus ager, 318 

Velitrae, 316, 318 

Veneti, 8 

Venus, 10 

Verginius Opiter, 272, 400 ; T., 284, 

380; A., 306, 392, 396, 426; P., 

310, 312; Verginius Proculus, 

352, 354 
Vesta, 70 

Vestalis (virgo), 16, 358 
Vetelia, 344 
Veturia, 346, 348 

Vetusius, C.. 278 ; T., 306, 314, 320 
\ 7 ica Pota, 242 
Viminalis, collis, 154 
Vindicius, 234 
Vitellii, 228, 240; Vitellius, T., 

228; Tib., 228 
Volcanus, 134 
Volero, see Publilius ; Volerones, 


Volesus, 202, 204 
Volsci, 182, et passim ; Volsci 

Antiates, 328 ; Volscum bellum. 

414 ; Volscus ager, 418 ; Ecetrani 

Volsci, 298 
Volumnia, 346 


Printed in Great Britain by 

Richard Clay (The CJiaucer Press), Ltd., 

Bungay, Suffolk 



Latin Authors 

AMMIANUS MARECLLINUS. Translated by J. C. Rolfe. 3 Vols. 

ton(1566). Revised by S. Gaselee. 
ST. AUGUSTINE: CITY OF GOD. 7 Vols. Vol. I. G. E. 

McCracken. Vol. II. W. M. Green. Vol. IV. P. Levine. 

Vol. V. E. M. Sanford and W. M. Green. Vol. VI. W. C. 


ST. AUGUSTINE, CONFESSIONS OF. W. Watts (1631). 2 Vols. 
AUSONIUS. H. G. Evelyn White. 2 Vols. 
BEDE. J. E. King. 2 Vols. 

Rev. H. F. Stewart and E. K. Rand. 




and W. D. Hooper. 

CATULLUS. F. W. Cornish; TIBULLUS. J. B. Postgate; PER- 

CELSUS: DE MEDICINA. W. G. Spencer. 3 Vols. 

CICERO: BRUTUS, and ORATOR. G. L. Hendrickson and H. M. 



Books I. and II. E. W. Sutton and H. Rackham. Vol. II. 

DE ORATORE, Book III. De Fato; Paradoxa Stoicorum; 

De Partitione Oratoria. H. Rackham. 
CICERO: DE INVENTIONS, etc. H. M. Hubbell. 
CICERO: DE Omens. Walter Miller. 

Clinton W. Keyes. 



W. A. Falconer. 

Louis E. Lord. 

CICERO: LETTERS to ATTICUS. E. O. Winstedt. 3 Vols. 
CICERO: LETTERS TO His FRIENDS. W. Glynn Williams. 3 





PRO RABIRIO. H. Grose Hodge. 

BALBO. R. Gardner. 



CICERO: VERRINE ORATIONS. L. H. G. Greenwood. 2 Vols. 
CLAUDIAN. M. Platnauer. 2 Vols. 

E. S. Forster and E. Heffner. 3 Vols. 

FLORUS. E. S. Forster; and CORNELIUS NEPOS. J. C. Rolfe. 

M. B. McElwain. 


GELLIUS, J. C. Rolfo. 3 Vols. 




JUVENAL and PERSJUS. G. G. Ramsay. 

LIVY. B. O. Foster, F. G. Moore, Evan T. Sage, and A. C. 
Schlesinger and R. M. Geer (General Index). 14 Vola. 

LUCAN. J. D. Duff. 

LUCRETIUS. W. H. D. Rouse. 

MARTIAL. W. C. A. Ker. 2 Vols. 

NEMESIANUS, AVIANUS, and others with " Aetna " and the 
" Phoenix." J. Wight Duff and Arnold M. Duff. 



OVID: FASTT. Sir James G. Frazer. 
OVID: HEROIDES and AMORES. Grant Showerman. 
OVID : METAMORPHOSES. F. J. Miller. 2 Vols. 
OVID: TRISTIA and Ex PONTO. A. L. Whooler. 

W. H. D. Rouse. 

PLAUTUS. Paul Nixon. 5 Vols. 

PLINY: LETTERS. Melmoth's Translation revised by W. M. L. 
Hutchinson. 2 Vols. 


10 Vols. Vols. I.-V. and IX. H. Rackham. Vols. VI.- 
VIII. W. H. S. Jones. Vol. X. D. E. Eichholz. 


PRUDENTFUS. H. J. Thomson. 2 Vols. 

QUINTILIAN. H. E. Butler. 4 Vols. 

REMAINS OF OLD LATIN. E. H. Warmington. 4 Vols. Vol. I. 
PACUVIUS, Accius.) Vol. III. (LuciLius and LAWS OF XII 

SALLUST. J. C. Rolfe. 




SENECA: MORAL ESSAYS. J. W. Basore. 3 Vols. 

SENECA: TRAGEDIES. F. J. Miller. 2 Vols. 


SILIUS ITALICUS. J. D. Duff. 2 Vols. 

STATIUS. J. H. Mozley. 2 Vols. 

SUETONIUS. J. C. Rolfe. 2 Vols. 

GERMANIA. Maurice Hutton. 

TACITUS : HISTORIES AND ANNALS. C. H. Moore and J. Jackson. 

4 Vols. 

TERENCE. John Sargeaunt. 2 Vols. 



VIRGIL. H. R. Fairclough. 2 Vols. 


Greek Authors 




Illinois Greek Club. 
AESCHINES. C. D. Adams. 
AESCHYLUS. H. Weir Smyth. 2 Vols. 

and F. H. Fobes. 

APOLLODORUS. Sir James G. Frazer. 2 Vols. 
THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS. Kirsopp Lake. 2 Vols. 
APPIAN: ROMAN HISTORY. Horace White. 4 Vols. 
ARISTOPHANES. Benjamin Bickley Rogers. 3 Vols. Verse 



ARISTOTLE: METAPHYSICS. H. Tredennick. 2 Vols. 
ARISTOTLE: MINOR WORKS. W. S. Hett. On Colours, On 

Things Heard, On Physiognomies, On Plants, On Marvellous 

Things Heard, Mechanical Problems, On Indivisible Lines, 

On Situations and Names of Winds, On Melissus, Xenophanes, 

and Gorgias. 

strong; (with Metaphysics, Vol. II.). 

W. S. Hett. 

ANALYTICS. H. P. Cooke and H. Tredennick. 

and E. S. Forster. 

On Coming to be and Passing Away, On the Cosmos. E. S. 

Forster and D. J. Furley, 



ARISTOTLE: PHYSICS. Rev. P. Wickstccd and F. M. Cornford. 

2 Vols. 


Vol. II.) H. Rackham. 

Robson. 2 Vols. 

ST. BASIL: LETTERS. R. J. Deferrari. 4 Vols. 
CALLIMACHUS, Hymns and Epigrams, and LYCOPHRON. A. W. 

Mair; ARATUS. G. R. MAIR. 

CLEMENT of ALEXANDRIA. Rev. G. W. Butterworth. 
DAPHNIS AND CHLOE. Thornley's Translation revised by 

J. M. Edmonds; and PARTHENIUS. S. Gaselee. 
TIONS. I.-XVII. AND XX. J. H. Vince. 

C. A. Vince and J. H. Vince. 


A. T. Murray. 

and LETTERS. N. W. and N. J. DeWitt. 
Dio CHRYSOSTOM. J. VV. Cohoon and H. Lamar Crosby. 6 Vols. 
DIODORUS SICULUS. 12 Vols. Vols. I.-VI. C. H. Oldfather. 

Vol. VII. C. L. Sherman. Vol. VIII. C. B. Welles. Vols. 

IX. and X. R. M. Geer. Vols. XI.-XII. F. Walton, 

General Index, R. M. Geer. 

man's translation revised by E. Cary. 7 Vols. 
EPICTETUS. W. A. Oldfather. 2 Vols. 
EURIPIDES. A. S. Way. 4 Vols. Verse trans. 

J. E. L. Oulton. 2 Vols. 

THE GREEK ANTHOLOGY. W. R. Paton. 5 Vols. 

Edmonds. 2 Vols. 



J. M. Edmonds. 

HERODOTUS. A. D. Godley. 4 Vols. 


Jones and E. T. Withington. 4 Vols. 
HOMER: ILIAD. A. T. Murray. 2 Vols. 
HOMER: ODYSSEY. A. T. Murray. 2 Vols. 
ISAEUS. E. W. Forster. 

ISOCRATES. George Norlin and LaRue Van Hook. 3 Vols. 

Woodward, Harold Mattingly and D. M. Lang. 
JOSEPHUS. 9 Vols. Vols. I .-IV.; H. Thackeray. Vol. V.; 

H. Thackeray and R. Marcus. Vols. VI.-VII.; R. Marcus. 

Vol. VIII.; R. Marcus and Allen Wikgren. Vol. IX. L. H. 


JULIAN. Wilmer Cave Wright. 3 Vols. 
LUCIAN. 8 Vols. Vols. I.-V. A. M. Harmon. Vol. VI. K. 

Kilburn. Vols. VII.-VIII. M. D. Macleod. 
LYRA GRAECA. J. M. Edmonds. 3 Vols. 
LYSIAS. W. R. M. Lamb. 


MENANDER. F. G. Allinson. 


J. O. Burrt. 2 Vols. 

NONNOS : DIONYSIACA. W. H. D. Rouse. 3 Vols. 

Edgar. 2 Vols. LITERARY SELECTIONS (Poetry). D.L. Page. 

Vols. and Companion Vol. arranged by R. E. Wycherley. 
PHILO. 10 Vols. Vols. I.-V.; F. H. Colson and Rev. G. H. 

Whitaker. Vols. VI.-IX.; F. H. Colson. Vol. X. F. H. 

Colson and the Rev. J. W. Earp. 
PHILO: two supplementary Vols. (Translation only.) Ralph 


Conybeare. 2 Vols. 




Cave Wright. 

PINDAR. Sir J. E. Sandys. 


HIPPIAS. H. N. Fowler. 

H. N. Fowler. 


PLATO: LAWS. Rev. R. G. Bury. 2 Vols. 
PLATO: REPUBLIC. Paul Shorey. 2 Vols. 



Rev. R. G. Bury. 

PLOTINUS: A. H. Armstrong. Vols. I.-III. 
PLUTARCH: MOBAUA. 15 Vols. Vols. I.-V. F. C. Babbitt. 

Vol. VI. W. C. Helmbold. Vols. VII. and XIV. P. H. De 

Lacy and B. Einarson. Vol. IX. E. L. Minar, Jr., F. H. Sand- 
bach, W. C. Helmbold. Vol. X. H. N. Fowler. Vol. XI. 

L. Pearson and F. H. Sandbach. Vol. XII. H. Cherniss and 

W. C. Helmbold. 

POLYBIUS. W. R. Paton. 6 Vols. 

QUENTUS SMYRNAEUS. A. S. Way. Verse trans. 
SEXTUS EMPIRICUS. Rev. R. G. Bury. 4 Vols. 
SOPHOCLES. F. Storr. 2 Vols. Verse trans. 
STRABO: GEOGRAPHY. Horace L. Jones. 8 Vols. 

etc. A. D. Knox. 

Bart. 2 Vols. 

THUCYDIDES. C. F. Smith. 4 Vols. 

XENOPHON: CYROPAEDIA. Walter Miller. 2 Vols. 

C. L. Brownson and O. J. Todd. 3 Vols. 








Other Historians of Roman History 
in the Loeb Series 






niQNYSi'us OF 



The New York Public Library 

455 Fifth Avenue 
New York, NY 10016